8
Daniel Hughes
A Case of Multiple Identities in La Florida: A Statistical Approach to Nascent
Cosmopolitanism
ABSTRACT
Within the study of modern cosmopolitanism is the concept that people can have multiple citizenships created through overlapping identities. While this idea of cosmopolitanism differs from Kant’s one-world law, it creates situations where cosmopolitan ideas or nascent cosmopolitanism exist as a result of these multiple identities. Through connections developed from the importation of various goods, such as ceramics, ideas of taste are expanded, which provides opportunities and intensification of access to the global economy for a contested periphery. This article will combine historical and archaeological data to demonstrate the possibility of nascent cosmopolitanism within La Florida at the end of the of the first Spanish period in the 18th century.
Introduction
This article addresses some of the problems archeologists face in the interpretation of nonlocal or foreign goods present on sites that were under the control of mercantilistic policies. It focuses on Florida, situated on the frontier of the Spanish Empire, yet near the crossroads of the Caribbean, which was undergoing a period of great change in the 18th century. Through the use of historical archeology it can be seen how cosmopolitanism arises and how it can be identified within the archaeological record. The purpose of this article is to examine La Florida in the 18th century, and specifically the city of St. Augustine, in terms of developing cosmopolitanism. (All of La Florida is here noted to be included in the Caribbean.) By bringing together historical and archaeological data, the possibility of cosmopolitanism within La Florida at the end of the first Spanish period in the 18th century is demonstrated.
The concept of cosmopolitanism is based on the Greek words cosmos and polis, combined to formulate an idea of a world citizen; to
Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(1):8–27.
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be cosmopolitan “one must be open to and appreciative of a variety of cultural influences” (Kuhluing and Keohane 2007:62–63). But even this definition is vague in light of the various uses of the term (Jacob 2006:3). One of the earliest formulations of cosmopolitanism comes from Immanuel Kant (1949:126), who put forth an idea of cosmopolitanism as that of a one world law or “cosmo-political state.” “Hence the idea of cosmopolitan or world law is not a fantastic and utopian way of looking at law, but necessary completion of the unwritten code of constitutional and international law to make it a public law of mankind” (Kant 1949:448).
As Jacobs (2006:3) notes, there are many types of cosmopolitanism today. Cosmopolitan ism has in some cases been closely associated with ideas of globalization and the growth of the modern market economy, where it has become known as imperial cosmopolitanism (Arrighi 2004:524–539). For the purpose of this article, however, cosmopolitanism is viewed as the ability of individuals to have multiple identities or multiple citizenships. Individuals are aware of other communities and as such are open to ideas that will benefit themselves (Mar
tinelli 2005:241–260). The term “nascent cosmo politanism” is used for a situation in which a society is not yet truly cosmopolitan, and while individuals may have multiple identities, citizen ships, and be open to some ideas they are by no means completely cosmopolitan. “Nascent cosmopolitanism” has appeared in many times and places throughout the world, and at times it would appear that individuals or regions have taken on a cosmopolitan appearance (Kuhluing and Keohane 2007). Such early stages of cos mopolitanism are often seen but not appreciated within studies of acculturation, ethnogenesis, and creolization, whereby the final stage of cosmo politanism was not achieved (Dawdy 2000:111). This is particularly true of the Caribbean, including La Florida, in the 1700s, as many nations competed for resources within a confined sphere of trade, and archeologists have sought a variety of means to explain the interaction of diverse groups with one another.
Daniel HugHes—a Case of Multiple identities in la Florida 9
Background: Individual Consumption and Globalization
Understanding the potential for cosmopolitan ism to develop requires consideration of world systems theory, consumption theory, agency, and concepts of habitus and taste. Combined, these constructs can be used to create a model for the identification of nascent cosmopolitanism. A brief review of each, presented below, provides the background for an appreciation of the inter play between these concepts and how they bear on the development of the major port city of St. Augustine in La Florida in the 18th century. The background serves to assist the reader in understanding how the author’s formulation of concepts and ideas is drawn upon to formulate the methodology and shape the analysis and conclusions.
World-Systems Theory
In his groundbreaking book, The Modern World-System, Immanuel Wallerstein (1974) defines the world system as “a social system, one that has boundaries, structures, member groups, rules of legitimation, and coherence” (Wallerstein 1974:347). It is a system that allows researchers to view economic and societal inter
action over long periods of time (Chase-Dunn 1999:194, 2005:172–173; Schwartzman 2006:300). In addition to providing a research perspective on globalization, world-systems theory is also widely used in the study of political economy (Roseberry 1988:166; Wells 2006:267).
When initially envisioned, world-systems theory was a break from various theories of underdevelopment and dependency that tended to focus only on the periphery (Roseberry 1988:166; Stein 1999). Wallerstein incorporated ideas of underdevelopment and minisystems into an economic framework that viewed colonial relationships as comprised of successive zones, defined as core powers, semiperipheries, and periphery units (Goldfrank 2000:159–162). The zones are intricately tied to each other such that no zone is able to exist without the other two (Goldfrank 2000:168). Core powers are those regions or states that dominate the economic system (Wallerstein 1974:349; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997:271). More than one center or core power can exist at the same time (Braudel
1977:81). Semiperipheries are regions or states that dominate the economic system but are sub ject to exploitation by the core powers (Waller stein 1974:349; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997:274). These regions or states are often in a state of flux as each attempts to become a core power or were once cores and lost their ability to dominate the economic system. The periphery is a region or state that is dominated by the core and semiperiphery (Wallerstein 1974:349; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997:273). The hierarchi cal nature of the core/periphery is defined by intersocietal networks through which labor and natural resources are exploited from the bottom to maintain the economic positioning of the top (Chase-Dunn 2005:172–173). Labor was seen by Wallerstein as the “forces and relations of production of the economy as a whole” (Gold frank 2000:168).
Traditionally, the relationship of the core, semiperiphery, and periphery was based on the exchange of “bulk goods” or “necessities” and the labor associated with the production of these items. Bulk goods/necessities are items that are of importance to everyday life. True essentials or necessities can also be distinguished from nonessentials because they are required for establishing and sustaining social and political order (Williams 1992:10). Control (i.e., produc tion, distribution, and consumption) of these items is a means of exploitation according to Wallerstein (Wallerstein 1974:307; Williams 1992:10; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997:13). In addition, Wallerstein recognized specialized trade in what he refers to as “preciosities” (Wallerstein 1974:302). Preciosities are items that are not needed for the maintenance of society, yet the exchange of these items occurs in every level of the system. At the same time, exchanges of “preciosities” are thought to occur within outlying regions that, due to the lack of exchange of bulk goods, were not within the system (Wallerstein 1974:302; Williams 1992:10; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997:13).
Recent research into world systems has moved beyond Wallerstein’s formulation based on bulk goods/necessities to incorporate more fluid systems that attempt to avoid so much of the top-down criticism that has been directed against its use in studying the past (Wolf 1982; Stein 1999; Bunker 2003:219; Scarlett 2006:114–115). Critics of world-systems theory have pointed out
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that several problems still exist within its for mulation, and that when corrected, they lessen the significance of the theory and its hierar chical system (Stein 1999). One of the most serious problems, as pointed out by Gil Stein (1999:19), “lies in the fact that the assumption of core dominance denies any kind of agency to the periphery.” This absence of the individual is what Eric Wolf was attempting to explain with his 1982 book, Europe and the People Without History. In this work, Wolf (1982) asserts that individuals are removed from the historical process and the world system that is transpiring around them. Top-down approaches are difficult in that the individual is cast aside for the greater sweeps of social history (Bunker 2003:219; Scarlett 2006:114–115).
Chase-Dunn (2005:175), for instance, devel oped an approach to world-systems theory that “retools the conceptual apparatus that emerged from the first generation world-systems schol ars.” Chase-Dunn and others recognize political/ military, luxury, preciosity, prestige goods, and information exchanges as intertwined factors, in particular where there is more than a single mode of production (Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997:13,59; Hall 2000). There is an understand ing that these other types of exchanges are key to systems in which local leaders monopolize exchanges as a form of control; theorizing has moved beyond a system based on exploitation of bulk goods to a system in which other means
of exploitation or control are possible. In these formulations of world-system theory there are three important points for understanding the Caribbean in the 18th century. The first two remain original to Wallerstein’s initial formula tion, while the last is based on ideas of various researchers. The first is the relationship between cores, semiperipheries, and peripheries (Figure 1). The relationship is based on one of exploitation, whereby the core draws on the peripheries for cheap labor and raw materials. Thus cores con sume at the expense of those below them. The second is that once a semiperiphery or periphery is within the system, it can be contested (Figure 2). This can be through force, legal or illicit trade, or trading of regions in treaty negotiations (e.g., England made significant gains in the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht). The absence of such contes tation can actually have a constraining effect on the system as semiperipheries and peripheries are
tied directly to conditions set forth by a single core power. Mercantilist policies of the 17th and 18th centuries would serve as such an attempt of cores to constrain their own systems. The third item pertains to “necessities.” Originally, Wallerstein understood bulk goods to be the basis for exploitation. But in the past decade research ers have found many ways to reformulate the theory by looking at other means of exploitation (Chase-Dune and Hall 1997:13,59). Therefore, the means of control/exploitation is not tied to a variety of individual concepts, but to that of simple single concept like basic necessity.” The concept of “basic necessity” used here is more closely related to the concept of basic needs as presented by George Homans (1941), who viewed basic needs as undergoing functional shifts in culture/society, which is more of a functional and structural-functional approach. This view was formulated in his attempt to find commonality in Bronislaw Malinowski’s functionalism and
FiguRe 1. Core, semiperiphery, and periphery relationship. Many semiperipheries and peripheries are controlled by a single core. (Figure by author, 2011.)
Daniel HugHes—a Case of Multiple identities in la Florida 11 FiguRe 2. Peripheries tied to multiple cores are contested as each vies for control. (Figure by author, 2011.)
A. R. Radcliff-Brown’s structural-functionalism. Certain aspects of “basic necessities,” according to Homans (1941:141), may temporarily serve the needs of the individual, but after meeting these needs they can serve a further function: satisfying the needs of the group or vice versa. Thus “basic necessity” as applied in this study allows for cores to exploit semiperipheries and peripheries by controlling access to basic neces sities that are keys to the function and survival of both culture and society. Cores can exploit these groups by controlling everything from large wheat shipments to small items such as tea sets used as symbols of group identity. Through such exploitation of the group, the core has access to the individuals who comprise it. Some individuals may still reject the core even while the society in which they participate does not. Membership of individuals in any particular group is based upon multiple factors of shared identity, some of which may be supplied by cores.
Consumption, Habitus, and Taste
For decades now archaeologists have been thinking about not only what is consumed, but
how and why these things are consumed. Over this period these ideas of how and why have generated three leading perspectives in consump tion theory. The first of these is pattern studies (Cook et al. 1996:51). While not overtly tied to consumption theory, pattern studies, as prac ticed by such scholars as Deagan (1983), Deetz (1996), South (1977), and Yentsch (1994), is based on the belief that a mindset or pattern is recognizable in the archaeological record and that the pattern is a reflection of consumer prac tices. These consumer practices in turn reflect the cultural pattern of the period
The next theoretical perspective is called “consumer choice” (Spencer-Wood 1987; Cook et al. 1996:52; Carroll 2000). This approach uses the methodological procedure of index
ing artifacts and is particularly popular within zooarchaeological and ceramic studies. In gen eral, as Wurst and McGuire (1999:192) notes, consumer-choice models share three basic traits: they emphasize gender and the household, they use the individual as the basic unit of analy sis, and they focus on the choice of goods as a symbolically meaningful action. One of the most widely used aspects of consumer-choice
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models is George Miller’s economic scaling system for the study of ceramics (Miller et al. 1994:245; Cook et al. 1996:51). While this approach attempts to tie information directly to the inhabitants, critics of this approach contend that individuals “are not and never were com
pletely free to choose the goods which they consume” (Carroll 2000:165).
The third perspective has been labeled “con sumer behavior.” This perspective originated within a group of scholars who rejected the consumer-choice model because of its reliance on indexes at the expense of incorporating a fuller archaeological and historical record. “Consumer-behavior” studies are based on quantitative data that can be grouped to reveal “patterns” of expenditure and, by extension, con
sumption (Cook et al. 1996:52). Using quantita tive data, consumer-behavior studies search for behavior that consumers “display in searching for (acquiring), using, evaluating, and dispos ing of products, services, and ideas which they expect will satisfy their needs” (Henry 1991:3). Drawing on large databases, consumer-behavior models are able to make comparisons so that patterns can be discerned (LeeDecker 1991:31).
Finally, recent work in consumption has been moving beyond the “consumer-behavior” approach. Researchers such as Douglas and Ish erwood (1996), Appadurai (1988, 2001), Bour dieu (1984, 1990, 2000, 2007), Orlove and Rutz (1989), and Miller (1987, 1995a, 1995b 1995c 1995d, 2005) have been taking consumption theory into new areas for understanding how and why people consume, while drawing on approaches of the past. Miller (1995d:290) states that “as we move from the ‘triumphalist’ phase of consumer studies to a more mature phase, the detailed research should start to emerge which does not assume the significance of consumption but investigates its social consequences within varied conditions.”
Of importance to this study is Miller’s (1995a:25) view on freedom of choice, whereby consumers can only consume what is available to them. This notion holds importance when looking into production and distribution of goods in the 1700s, because in places like the Caribbean many types of goods were simply not available to the consumer. The difficulties in distribution combined with the mercantilistic policies set forth by major European powers had
a profound effect on what people could consume at the time.
The extension of consumption into ideas of habitus and taste is particularly important to understanding how people consume (Bourdieu 1984, 1990, 2007; Miller 1995d). Habitus pro
duces a strategy that allows agents to “cope with unforeseen and ever-changing situations” (Bour dieu 2007:72). The agent is thus shaped by the framework of the larger historical past and the individuals’ own experiences with such a past to create possible responses to any situation. Thus the concept is used to explain consumption. It takes into account the individual agent and free choice to select goods, but also recognizes that choice is shaped by the past so that consumption choices can be seen as framed within historical patterns of use. Bourdieu’s idea of habitus, how
ever, whereby individuals’ behavior guides them into creating a world that is familiar to them selves through the acquisition of material goods, is an example of an ideal market where all soci etal and individual needs are available within the historical economic system. Bourdieu associated this concept with doxa, whereby individuals act according to social conventions established by society (Bourdieu 2007:167–169). If individuals and societies could not obtain the goods they needed in order to maintain their cultural identity, their historical reference would either degrade or change, however.
Fortunately, Bourdieu’s views on taste also help to break the confines that habitus and bounded consumption models placed upon the individual and, to some extent, society. Taste is manifested within consumption behavior itself, but it is not as simple to define as some would like. For Bourdieu (1984), taste is manifested within the individual, as it was with Kant (1949:284), who saw taste as embodied outside the object, whereby individuals through the use of goods instill meaning into those goods. In other words, goods alone have no social mean ing until the individual, through an act of taste/ consumption, assigns meaning to the goods. Not all goods have the meanings associated with them that archaeologists use, however (Dawdy 2000:114; Mann 2008:333).
Stahl (2002:837) notes that taste helps to explicate the dialectic between consumption and production embodied within the object and the consumer. Thus taste is a driving factor in the
Daniel HugHes—a Case of Multiple identities in la Florida 13
creation and consumption of new products. As old goods become common, new goods are pro duced and adopted, and social meaning is applied to them. These social uses split the divide between goods being objectified by individuals and embodied by the incorporated collective (Stahl 2002:837). Taste also allows the potential for substitution or adoption of new goods (here seen as an opening for cores to contest a periph
ery) when those intertwined within the doxa of the community are not available.
Taste is also where archeologists can find the individual because agency is undeniable in the process of consumption. That is to say that the individual should be viewed as a social actor, and issues of taste should thus be associated with agency, whereby actors “routinely incorpo
rate ‘what went before’ in anticipation of ‘what will come next’” into acts of taste (Giddens 1979:84). Their “preferences are not fixed but are, rather, locked in a dance of supply and demand, production and consumption, shaped by past choices and dispositions, continually reframed by social tensions both within and outside the local setting” (Stahl 2002:833).
Thus the material record represents an actor’s choice from available commodities and is a direct reflection of the actor’s taste. The material record indicates the preferences of individual acts of consumption based within the framework of what goods were available for consumption within the region and the habitus reflected in the taste of the individuals as they attempt to frame their social identity.
Summary of the Theoretical Concerns for Nascent Cosmopolitanism
How do these concepts inform the notion of nascent cosmopolitanism? How does a person decide to open up to external influences and become a citizen of the world while being part of a city (cosmo + polis)? To understand this, archaeologists must examine places in the world likely to be cosmopolitan, for example contem
porary Ireland, late-15th-century Lyons, or even a remote frontier outpost in the colony of La Florida (Wadsworth 1962; Keyder 1993; Pollock 2002:18; Farry 2005; Kuhluing and Keohane 2007:25). Furthermore, what analytical methods are best suited to make inroads into the study of cosmopolitanism or nascent cosmopolitanism?
Immanuel Kant (1949:455) offered the notion that cosmopolitanism could be approached through commerce, which he felt stood in oppo sition to war. As noted above, people and places have experienced periods of nascent cosmo politanism when the influx of foreign commerce and connections has created periods of diversity within a population or region. People express themselves differently and alter their concepts of self-identity accordingly during these periods of nascent development.
So how can archeologists view the develop ment of nascent cosmopolitanism? Most likely it occurs within the framework of the world system, with consumption practices inherent in habitus, taste, and individual agency. This would differ from Kant’s single-world law or view where individuals are world citizens. Instead one would have individuals with multiple identities. A single working hypothesis within the 18th century would thus roll this together, where, starting from the top, large core powers (i.e., Spain, Britain, France, and the Netherlands) are in competition with one another. In the 18th century, the core powers extended their control into the peripheries with the establishment of mercantilistic companies to control the flow of goods between the core and the colonial periph eries. The goods to be shipped to the colonies were those that allowed individuals to maintain cultural continuity with the core, so that a Span
iard was a Spaniard whether living in Seville, Spain, or St. Augustine, Florida (Figure 3). Thus, goods newly available in Spain were to be shipped to her colonies, allowing individu
als the opportunity to maintain ideas of habitus and taste whether they be penisulares, criollos, or mestizos. This ideal relationship was not the case, however. Most cores found it difficult to provide for their colonies and left them exposed to contestation, whereby other cores/trading companies/opportunists vied to supply goods to people in needy peripheries (Figure 4). Often this took the form of illicit trade, but from time to time this trade was legalized as a means to provide to colonists with necessary goods. Thus, if a core could not provide the needed goods to maintain cultural identity, consumers were faced with two options. They could reform their idea of self-identity/habitus based on what goods were available, or attempt to find substitutions for goods through social interactions taking
14 HisTORiCal aRCHaeOlOgY 46(1) FiguRe 3. Habitus is bound by the availability of goods to the consumer. (Figure by author, 2011.)
FiguRe 4. Failed distribution of goods bounds the habitus of the agent. (Figure by author, 2011.)
Daniel HugHes—a Case of Multiple identities in la Florida 15
place with outside groups in order to maintain cultural identities (Figures 5 and 6). It is in the latter of the two cases, in which cultural meaning is transferred from one type of good to another and is used in order to maintain cultural identity, where nascent cosmopolitan
ism can arise. At the very least, the recovery of foreign materials on sites indicates that such opportunities were available.
Furthermore, archeologists can look for places where nascent cosmopolitanism could have existed in the past by examining core power relationships and testing for changes in these relationships within the archaeological record, which will show increases in diversity of mate
rials as cores contest areas controlled by other cores through competition or supply of basic necessities. The material record provides direct access to the actual physical manifestation of the world system, and it is testable and knowable. Statistical tests can be used to compare diversity among artifact assemblages. Diversity, as noted
by Kintigh (1984:45), is the “number of different classes of items present in an assemblage,” and by combining information on relative diversity with the historical record archaeologists can iden
tify locations of nascent cosmopolitanism. Sites across La Florida
Eighteenth–century La Florida provides a test of this model for the Caribbean. La Florida was a frontier colony set on the edge of the Spanish supply systems. The historical record indicates that 18th-century La Florida was a contested periphery. Documentary records indicate the presence of a diverse trade system there during the 1700s. Because of the inherent problems within the situado system (Hughes 2007), non Spanish merchants attempted to supply the city of St. Augustine and garrisons in Pensacola with much-needed goods. Illicit as well as legal trade occurred, supplying the Spanish inhabitants with non-Spanish goods.
FiguRe 5. illicit goods may be available but socially unacceptable. (Figure by author, 2011.)
16 HisTORiCal aRCHaeOlOgY 46(1) FiguRe 6. illicit or foreign-supplied goods used and recovered from archeological sites. (Figure by author, 2011.)
Data available from six sites were utilized to examine nascent cosmopolitanism in La Florida (Figure 7). The city of St. Augustine provided four sites and Pensacola two. Four additional 18th-century Caribbean sites were selected from the Digital Archaeological Archive of Com
parative Slavery (DAACS 2010). Two sites were selected from Jamaica and two from Nevis. These provided a useful control against which the sites from La Florida could be measured. Inhabitants of Jamaica and Nevis would have had the same opportunities for both legal and illicit trade as those in La Florida.
It should be pointed out, however, that none of these sites are similar. This is because when archaeologists look at individual sites at the microscale no two are ever truly identical. No two assemblages are an exact match. As Miller (1991) points out, there are inherent problems within the reporting of excavations, let alone the actual variation inherent in each site. Scale of data, period of occupation, number of inhabitants,
or economic status always varies; no two sites can ever be exactly the same. So how is it that archaeologists can talk of observed patterns when the base understanding of various sites differs from site to site? While a description of each site may show differences, statistical methods combined with historical data provide the tools for revealing the hidden patterns that exist within the archaeological record. It is through a thorough understanding of historical events that patterns observed in assemblages can be interpreted. While some would argue that use of combin ing assemblages over such a period may not be appropriate, it is felt that each type of analysis, either at the micro- or macroscale, has its place in helping archaeologists consider all viewpoints (Miller 1991:2). Furthermore, while this examina tion would benefit from a comparison of temporal periods, it is beyond the scope of this study, and it should be pointed out that finding sites for comparison that span multiple periods is a dif
ficult task and best left for future archaeologists.
Daniel HugHes—a Case of Multiple identities in la Florida 17 FiguRe 7. location of sites. (Figure by author, 2011.)
The four sites from St. Augustine represent individual households and include the Avero (8SJ61), de Hita (8SJ5405), de la Cruz (SA-16- 23), and the Fatio sites (8SJ71). These sites are often used in analyses of colonial St. Augustine; their inhabitants are representative of a wide portion of the population of the city (McMurray 1975; Deagan 1976; Kathleen Deagan 2008, pers. comm.; Voss 2008). The Avero, de Hita, and de la Cruz sites were predominately occupied during the later part of the first Spanish period, and assemblages from these sites are representative of the period from 1700 to 1763; the Fatio site was later, it was occupied in the period 1758 to 1763.
The two sites from Pensacola are the Presidio Santa Maria de Galve (8ES1354) and the Presidio Isla de Santa Rosa (8ES22). The Presidio Santa Marie de Galve was occupied from 1698 to 1719, while the Presidio Isla de Santa Rosa was occu
pied from 1722 to 1752 (Bense 2003, 2004:48; Elizabeth Benchley 2009, pers. comm.). These sites represent occupations of garrisons established for the protection of the western side of La Florida and were the primary settlements of the popula
tion. Assemblages from these sites represent the combined data for the population, not individual households like those from St. Augustine.
Two sites from Jamaica, Stewarts Castle Main House Phase I and the Seville Planta tion House 16 Phase I, were utilized from the DAACS inventory. Stewarts Castle Main House represents a period from 1754 to 1810 and has a mean ceramic date of 1790 (DAACS 2010). The Main House assemblage is representative of a household with a large plantation that grew from 167 to almost 1,200 ac. in size by 1799, after which it was mortgaged by the Stewarts and managed from London. The second site is the Seville Plantation House 16, which was the location of a first-period African settlement. The Phase I occupation of the site has a mean ceramic date of 1733 and dates from the early to mid-18th century (DAACS 2010).
Two additional sites (Jessup I and II) were selected from Nevis. Jessup I dates to the early to mid-18th century with a mean ceramic date of 1741, while Jessup II dates to the late 18th and early 19th century. Jessup II has a mean ceramic date of 1779 (DAACS 2010). Both sites represent slave villages owned by Edward Jesup, who had two plantations on the island of Nevis.
To test for the presence of diversity in the archaeological record, it was first necessary to find suitable materials on each site that could
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be quantified yet could also provide markers for economic relationships. Refined ceramics are the best material for the analysis and development of this type of intersite economic model, as well as good indicators of trade networks (Hughes 2007). They allow archaeologists to understand and test the economic relationships of a site by indicating the sources of core–periphery relationships. Ceramics are distinct from other archaeological materials in that they posses excellent preservation qualities and represent individual consumer practices (Hughes 2007). Furthermore, their recovery on an archaeological site is generally a good indication of their use on the site (Skowronek 1984).
In sum, the nine sites represent a wide period of occupation from 1700 to the early 1800s, and they vary in assemblage size. Some are representative of a combined population, like the garrisons, while others are representative of long-term, household-level habitation, like the four sites in St. Augustine. All of the site assemblages have ceramic data, including type and frequency.
Methods
One of the most difficult tasks in database preparation is to resolve the differences in the levels of classification used by various research ers. Some used standard types, while others broke down some of the types into various paste categories. For this study, various subtypes were combined into the simplest form of a defined type. For example, if delft blue-on-white sherds were broken out further by paste differ
ences, they were recombined under a simpler category of delft blue-on-white (Charles 1974; Noël Hume 1980; Deagan 1987). Once this was done, the data tables were combined to compile a master dataset. The data were then examined for outliers, ceramic types found only on a single site. These were eliminated from the dataset so that single types not commonly available through trade would be eliminated (Hughes 2007). It should be noted that few, in fact, were eliminated, however. The fact that the data set included multiple sites from each area allowed, in most cases, for a minimum of two sites having similar types. In addition, more than a single site covers the period of time under study.
The ceramic data from each site were then compiled and run through the “Divers” statis tical application developed by Keith Kintigh (1984:44–54). The test can be used statisti cally to examine the richness in variability and determine the relative diversity of ceramic types. The strength of this test is that it does not require the use of statistical means although it still allows the user to compare sites with varying frequency sizes (Hughes 2007). The measure examines the number of classes pres ent in an assemblage while providing a con trol against which assemblages are measured (Kintigh 1984:44–45). To avoid the pitfall of a single site dominating the table and creat ing “circularity,” data from multiple sites and, when possible, from independent sites should be sought and incorporated (Kintigh 1984:52). Thus, sites from multiple locations serve to balance each other and prevent one site from dominating the collection.
“Divers” thus looks at the structure of the sample, in this case ceramics, and how the items are distributed among the cases (Wells et al. 2004; Hughes 2007). This allows researchers to measure samples of different sizes (Kintigh 1984:44). Once run, the “Divers” program pro
duces the results, by which the population is examined against one of the cases, graphically. This may either be a specific case that one wishes to examine or a random one. In this case, one of the sites from Florida was ran
domly selected so that the baseline of analysis is centered in Florida.
It is expected that sites within this region with a higher level of diversity are indicative of consumer-use patterns in which taste is reflective of exposure to multiple markets and participa
tion in a contested core-periphery relationship. Low levels of diversity are more indicative of a limited-consumption pattern whereby either the market is not contested and mercantilistic policies are effective, or where inhabitants have placed limited social value on the goods. Results from the test alone are enough to dem
onstrate the possibility of nascent cosmopolitan ism, however.
Once the differences in the diversity of the assemblages are determined, it is necessary to contextualize the data within the assemblage and the historical events that shaped them. A high level of diversity on a single site alone
Daniel HugHes—a Case of Multiple identities in la Florida 19
might not indicate the meaning of diversity that this study is trying to establish. As noted above, the addition of sites from the region helps avoid what Kintigh saw as a problem of “circularity” (Kintigh 1984:52), but a simple examination of the table itself also provides information. For example, if a site has a high level of diversity of ceramic types of only English manufacture, this would not have the same significance that the combined assemblage does. In essence, diversity among sources of manufacture indicates that each site, to varying degrees during this time period, was participat ing in a contested global economy whereby various cores powers had created inroads into the semiperipheries and peripheries of other core powers and thus broke mercantilistic policies that were in effect in the 18th-century Caribbean.
As for an analysis of historical events, this analysis can be done through what Fine (1995) called an analysis of the chain of vertical and horizontal sequences. This is a study of the connecting linkages of production, distribution, and consumption, and also how those linkages intersect to produce patterns that are recogniz able as properties of the commodities that one wishes to study through consumption (Stahl 2002:835). With such an analysis archaeologists can take a vertical approach and start with the smaller scales of analysis so that artifacts can be properly identified and grouped accordingly with the local sites. Then, as they are studied, a vertical scale of intensity can be applied, allowing archaeologists to seek answers along horizontal paths of inquiry, at the micro-, meso-, and macrolevels, while heading towards analysis on a larger or global scale. This is approached here by using ceramic frequency data on each site to represent the microlevel of study. Each dataset represents a site on the microhorizontal plane. Then by grouping the data in regions, St. Augustine, Pensacola, Nevis, or Jamaica, a mesolevel of analysis can be performed. Finally, the diversity analysis information can be gathered at the macrolevel from the study of sites within the Caribbean. Each dataset is tied to the rest of the data table vertically and is influenced by historical events on the vertical plane that shape and bind production, distribu tion, and consumption at the micro-, meso-, and macrolevels of analysis.
Statistical Analysis and Historical
Resources for La Florida
The Presidio de Santa Maria de Galve was selected to represent the standard type/frequency distribution for comparing all sites. This was a simple random selection and, as already stated, any of the sites could be used to represent the standard baseline. A Monte Carlo simulation was run at 1,000 simulations with a 90% confidence interval. This means that any sites falling within this confidence interval should be considered to have similar levels of diversity within their popu lations. The confidence interval was set at 90% to create a higher level of precision and provide a greater level of significance to the analysis.
Figure 8 shows the plotting of the simulation. The mean and 90% confidence intervals are also plotted on the graph. Ceramic assemblages/sites that have a similar level of diversity will fall within the 90% confidence interval. The verti
cal scale indicates the richness (diversity); the horizontal (x-axis) displays the sample size. As demonstrated in Figure 8, five sites have high levels of assemblage diversity. The Fatio, Avero, de Hita, and de la Cruz house sites, and the Presidio Isla de Santa Rosa have much higher levels of diversity than Presidio de Santa Maria de Galve. In fact, three of the control sites, Jessup I and II, and the Seville House all fall within the typical frequency distribution of ceramics exhibited by Santa Maria de Galve. These sites thus have levels of diversity similar to that of Santa Maria, while only one of the control sites, Stewarts Castle, had a lower level of diversity than Santa Maria.
Nevertheless the diversity analysis cannot stand alone. As pointed out above, the diver sity analysis cannot be conducted apart from understanding other types of information in the assemblage and historical record that shaped it. Each site’s assemblage is comprised of ceram ics belonging to its own nationality while con taining assorted amounts of wares from other nations. No site is comprised of an assemblage from a single nation, which goes to show the failure of the mercantilistic system that was desired by each nation.
As for the historical records, while it is beyond the scope of this article to delve down into the microlevel of analysis, a mesoscale analysis of the trade patterns in St. Augustine
20 HisTORiCal aRCHaeOlOgY 46(1)
Stewarts Castle
FIGURE 8. Monte Carlo simulation (mean and 90% confidence interval). (Figure by author, 2011.)
indicates that some important things have gone into influencing the availability of the goods consumed in the region and wider Caribbean. As noted, the historical record reveals that St. Augustine was far from self-sufficient. In fact, most of the goods consumed in the city and in the Caribbean as a whole were imported. The supply or situado was poorly managed and, because St. Augustine needed more secure funding, the Crown shifted the payment from Mexico City in 1702 to sales tax collected at the Puebla de Los Angeles, Mexico (Bushnell 1981; Deagan 1983:35). It was to be paid half in specie and the other half in merchandise (de Barcia 1970:349; Bushnell 1981; Skowronek 1984:14). The specie was to be used to pay the soldiers while the merchandise was intended to be all the materials that the garrison needed to survive, including food. The goods were thus part of the payment that the soldiers received. Most of the items were distributed from Santo Domingo or Havana, having originated in Mexico and Panama (Deagan 1987:23–24).
Due to the continued failure of the situado in the 1720s, St. Augustine developed a close relationship with the William Walton Company of New York by signing a contract in 1726 for
the delivery of supplies (Waterbury 1983:82). This relationship lasted until 1740 when St. Augustine was ordered to trade instead with the newly established Royal Havana Company. The Royal Havana Company supplied La Florida with all the goods required as part of its charter (Burkholder and Johnson 1990:242; Deagan 1983:37).
By the 1750s, the Royal Havana Company too was forced to contract with the English since it simply could not find, nor could it afford to purchase, enough goods to supply St. Augustine. This forced the company to request permission to trade with foreigners. The crown granted this request with the condition that the Royal Havana Company purchase foreign goods only if no goods were available for purchase from Spanish suppliers. This condition created a needed loophole (Harman 2004:80). With this ability, the Royal Havana Company contracted with the W. Walton Company for needed sup plies. In 1756, St. Augustine complained to the Crown about the nature of supplies being delivered by the Royal Havana Company and requested that the Crown contact Jessie Fisk, the representative of the W. Walton Company at that time (Pickman 1980:76). By 1757, the
Daniel HugHes—a Case of Multiple identities in la Florida 21
presidio broke its contract with the Royal Havana Company and signed directly with the W. Walton Company to supply it with needed goods. Throughout the 18th century, governors in St. Augustine permitted foreign trade, as “English goods were of high quality, lower prices, and there were no risks in transporta
tion” (Harman 2004:53). This tradition of the “adopting of Anglo practice” was not new in St. Augustine, and adoption of English cus toms was noted by Hoffman (1994:162–165), who observed that the Spanish were smoking tobacco out of English pipes instead of rolling the tobacco into cigars as was the custom. In addition to use of foreign ceramics, Reitz and Cumbaa (1983:184–186) notes that dietary pat
terns were altered in the 18th century to meet limited trade conditions, and that increased diversity in the assemblages was indicative of “New World” influences. “The inhabitants of St. Augustine thus relied primarily upon exter
nally produced, imported goods as the basis for their economic system. These goods were, at various times, of Mexican, Cuban, English and French origin” (Deagan 1983:38).
This shows how regional trade practices that occur at a mesolevel have direct ties to the micro. These events and relationships are themselves only a middle ground for the ties that bind trade at the microlevel. Events shaped at the next higher level affect the mesolevel as well. The fact that the Royal Havana Company received a royal charter, but had to seek per mission from the Crown to go outside its own charter, shows a linkage from the macrolevel down to the mesolevel. This one linkage was not the only one, however.
If the perspective shifts from the mesoscalar level to the macroscalar level, an examination of the underlying linkages of production and distribution indicates that forms of consumption were framed within larger events transpiring within the world system. As indicted in Figure 8, the four British sites do show levels of diver sity either equal to or lower than that of the selected Spanish site of Santa Maria, while all the rest of the Spanish sites show a higher level of diversity. The noted higher level of diversity is the result of trade outside the mercantile sys
tems as each of these sites has a higher level of type frequency distribution that may be a result of core expansion into competitors markets.
For example, contraband traders dealt in goods that the treaties strictly excluded. Thus, as the Spanish colonists became desperate for manufac tured goods such as woolens and metal tools that were supposed to have been supplied by Spain under its mercantilist policies, trading increased between Spanish colonists and English/French merchants (McLachlan 1940:12, Marcus 1990:80; Bense 1999, 2004:62–63; Johnson 2003; Deagan 2007). Indeed, 18th-century Great Britain had a large market share of the Spanish trade. It sup
plied the Spanish Caribbean from its colonies situated along the Atlantic seaboard and from Jamaica (Harman 2004:iv). Skowronek notes (1984:8) that this foreign trade increased and eventually accounted for 75% of the imports into Spanish America. If the larger system is examined it can be seen that the Caribbean as a whole was a place devoid of self-sufficiency. Colonists relied heavily on imported goods and sought them by any means necessary. In areas where markets could be contested, an increase in diversity may be indicative of such activities occurring, whereas in areas where mercantile policies were more effective lower levels of diversity should be expected when compared with other areas.
Thus by the beginning of the 18th century the Caribbean, including La Florida, was becoming what could be viewed as a region that had the potential to develop nascent cosmopolitanism (during periods of peace) with various nations living within a short sailing distance of one other. The beginning of the 18th century also saw the beginning of turbulence within the Caribbean, as occurrences in Europe put the region in turmoil, with European powers com peting with each other for dominance within the developing world economy.
The death of King Charles II of Spain in 1700 set the major European powers on a course toward war that, when concluded, would reshape the entire political structure and eco
nomic system within the Caribbean. Charles, in his passing, had left his kingdom to Phillip V, who also happened to be Louis XIV’s nephew. Fearing that a stronger economic relationship would develop between Spain and France, England declared war on Spain and started the War of Spanish Succession (Wallerstein 1980). This war would eventually end with the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. By this time Phillip V had ascended to the throne and England obtained
22 HisTORiCal aRCHaeOlOgY 46(1)
significant economic gains that had direct impacts in the Caribbean (Hamilton 1947). Of particular importance, England gained the lucrative Asiento contract from Spain to supply slaves to the Spanish colonies in the New World, and even more importantly, English ships gained the right to enter any Spanish port if in distress. This right of safe harbor opened up the Carib bean to illicit trade from all competing nations, as goods could easily be brought over to the New World and into English ports before being smuggled into the lucrative Spanish colonies. Not all economic exchange within the Carib bean involved illicit trade, however; the Carib bean was being quickly transformed by the various European powers. The remnants of the native groups were pushed farther and farther to the edges of the islands or incorporated into the newly established towns that were spring ing up on the larger islands. Immigrants from Europe were transforming the region to take advantage of the favorable climate for crops and the wealth associated with Spanish silver, which was the standard currency in the islands (McLachlan 1940).
This transition guided the history of the Carib bean for the rest of the 18th century as it was transformed from a Spanish backwater and site of illicit trade, to a region that became dominated by sugar/subsistence plantations and the trade in African slave labor that was so critical for the operation of all plantations (Pares 1968; Knight 1990; Postma 2005). The rise of the Caribbean plantation system is correlated with the rise of the economic stature of the region; this in turn correlates with nascent capitalism during the decline of the mercantilist period.
Sugar plantations became the driving force of the 18th-century Caribbean economy. Sugar production was very labor intensive, and slaves were often worked to death (Postma 2005). Ini
tially, the trading in slaves was highly controlled by mercantile companies (e.g., the Royal Africa Company and the East India Company). These mercantile companies were granted charters and contacts by European powers; they were also set annual quotas that they attempted to meet (by 1700 the French and English had imported over 500,000 slaves). As the 18th century wore on, however, there was an increasing demand for slave labor, so much so that merchants were willing to buy slaves illicitly from foreign
merchants. Although the sugar plantations were the driving force of the Caribbean economy, this economy did not exist in isolation. Sugar had markets and these markets created the oppor
tunity to trade additional commodities besides slaves into the Caribbean.
The Caribbean was thus one stop within the infamous triangle trade system. This system saw the exportation of sugar in various forms to Europe and the British colonies along the Atlantic seaboard in exchange for slaves, raw materials such as lumber, finished goods, and foodstuffs to feed the slave populations. Goods could be bought and sold with Spanish silver, as well as with sugar or against future crops. The extent and importance of this trade led Waller stein (1980:241) to conclude that the peripheral region that was the Caribbean extended from Brazil to Maryland.
Conclusions
Does a higher level of diversity of ceramics imply the development of nascent cosmopolitan ism? Well, it is not that simple; but the pres ence of such diversity should open a discussion among archaeologists and for the analysis of archaeological assemblages. Given the combined presence of high diversity in the artifact assem blage of sites in St. Augustine in comparison to other sites in the region, and the historical documentation that La Florida was a contested periphery where other European powers saw opportunity to supply the inhabitants with mate rials that were utilized by the population can suggest that nascent cosmopolitanism existed for some of the inhabitants of La Florida. This is especially clear when one sees the adoption of non-Spanish goods by the people of St. Augustine.
The diversity of goods available to resi dents is reflected in the archaeological record. The inhabitants’ acceptance of these goods as substitutes for missing materials that would have comprised the residents’ material culture is reflected in the recovery of these materials within occupied sites and the historical record.
Currently, the interpretation of St. Augustine is that its inhabitants were attempting to main tain an “Hispanic” identity (Deagan 1983:266; Voss 2008). As discussed above, the histori cal and archeological record demonstrates that
Daniel HugHes—a Case of Multiple identities in la Florida 23
Hispanic goods were not always available in the 18th century, however (Figure 9). The inhabitants recognized and utilized non-Hispanic goods. The high level of diversity found in St. Augustine sites in the 18th century, when compared to Jamaica and Nevis, suggest that nascent cosmopolitanism was developing and that the inhabitants were taking on multiple identities to reshape the world around them in absence of basic necessities (Figure 10). New goods influenced their lives and brought them into the wider realm of the world. As such, can it continue to be said that the inhabitants were attempting to maintain an “Hispanic” identity? well, yes it can. But it can also be said that the inhabitants had other identities created by the need to survive in one of the most remote outposts of the Spanish Empire. This was a start on the path of nascent cosmopolitanism that was abandoned in 1763 when the Spanish left La Florida, taking with them most of the inhabit ants of the colony, thus cutting off a pathway
that in other places has lead to acculturation, ethnogenesis, creolization, and limited cosmo politanism. The new power, England, would take over and populate Florida in what would soon be the greatest period of ethnogenesis for the English colonies in North America.
Acknowledgements
I wish to thank Kathleen Deagan and the Florida Museum of Natural History for provid ing me with the raw data from St. Augustine, and Judy Bense and Elizabeth Benchley of the University of West Florida for providing me data from Pensacola. In addition, this paper has benefited from the constructive criticism and thoughtful insights of Uzi Baram, Brent Weis man, Skye Hughes, and my anonymous review ers. Any errors are the sole responsibility of the author. In addition, I wish to thank the Digital Archaeological Archive of Comparative Slavery for making data available to archaeologists.
FiguRe 9. st. augustine’s Hispanic mindset based on the failed situado system. (Figure by author, 2011.)
24 HisTORiCal aRCHaeOlOgY 46(1) FiguRe 10. Multiple identities within st. augustine. (Figure by author, 2011.)
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