Archaeology at 8SJ34
The Nombre de Dios Mission/La Leche Shrine Site, St. Augustine.
Summary report on the 1934 – 2011 excavations
Kathleen Deagan
Florida Museum of Natural History
University of Florida
Florida Museum of Natural History
Miscellaneous Reports in Archaeology # 62
2012
i
Table of Contents
LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................................... ii LIST OF TABLES ..................................................................................................................... iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ....................................................................................................... iv
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................ 1 LANDSCAPE AND CHANGE .................................................................................................................... 3 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................... 10
Pre-1565 .................................................................................................................................... 10 Spanish arrival, 1565 ................................................................................................................. 12 CONDITION OF 8SJ34 TODAY ............................................................................................. 30
ARCHAEOLOGY AT 8SJ34 ..................................................................................................................... 31 1938 ........................................................................................................................................... 31 1951 ........................................................................................................................................... 32 1976 Survey ............................................................................................................................... 41 1985 Excavations ...................................................................................................................... 43 1994 Electromagnetic and subsurface survey ........................................................................... 51 1993-2001 Excavations ............................................................................................................. 53
2009-2011 EXCAVATIONS ...................................................................................................................... 90 Unit 263N 413E ......................................................................................................................... 91 Unit 268N 417.5 E ..................................................................................................................... 94 Unit 271N 425E (2011) ............................................................................................................. 98 Unit 260N 424E ......................................................................................................................... 99 Unit 290N 439E ....................................................................................................................... 102 Unit 245.2N 395.13 E (the “Chapel unit”) .............................................................................. 102
8SJ34 MATERIAL CULTURE ............................................................................................................... 109 Indigenous ceramics ................................................................................................................ 114 Imported Ceramics .................................................................................................................. 121 Non-Ceramic Remains ............................................................................................................ 125 Faunal Remains and Subsistence ............................................................................................ 131
SUMMARY AND INTERPRETATION ................................................................................................. 132 Precolumbian occupation ........................................................................................................ 133 Sixteenth and early seventeenth century occupation (s) ......................................................... 134 Mission Period Occupation ..................................................................................................... 141 Future Directions ..................................................................................................................... 146 REFERENCES CITED ............................................................................................................................. 147
i
APPENDIX 1: METHODS AND PROTOCOLS .................................................................................... 158 APPENDIX 2 EXCAVATED MATERIAL ITEMS, 1985-2009 .......................................................... 165
APPENDIX 3: FAUNAL SPECIES LISTS AND RELATIVE PROPORTIONS THROUGH TIME 8SJ34 ......................................................................................................................................................... 176
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 Location of the Nombre de Dios Mission/La Leche Shrine site ........................................... 1 Figure 2 Location of excavations in northeastern property area ......................................................... 2 Figure 3 Detail of the 1586 Boazio map. ........................................................................................... 5 Figure 4 The ca. 1593 Mestas map ...................................................................................................... 5 Figure 5 Detail of the 1747 map by Antonio de Arredondo. ............................................................ 6 Figure 6 Detail from the Pablo de Castello map (1764) ...................................................................... 7 Figure 7 Detail from the Bellín map (1764) ........................................................................................ 7 Figure 8 Detail from the Puente map (1769). ...................................................................................... 8 Figure 9 Detail from the Dorr Map (1892) .......................................................................................... 9 Figure 10 Detail from a 1943 Florida Department of Transportation aerial photo ........................... 10 Figure 11 Locations of 1938 excavation trenches ............................................................................ 32 Figure 12 Map showing 1952 excavation area and foundation ......................................................... 33 Figure 13 Approximate location of 1951-52 excavations ................................................................. 34 Figure 14 Excavation unit designations for 1952 excavations .......................................................... 35 Figure 15 Distribution of colonial-era artifacts from the 1976 auger survey ................................... 42 Figure 16 Approximate location of 1985 Unit 201N418E in relation to the 1951 excavations ........ 44 Figure 17 Postmolds at base of unit 201N418E ................................................................................ 47 Figure 18 287N 440E (1985) Top of ditch and wall trench .............................................................. 48 Figure 19 Location of 1997 electromagnetic and posthole survey ................................................... 51 Figure 20 Locations of major features excavated at 8SJ34, 1985-2009 ........................................... 56 Figure 21. Cross section of the Feature 4 moat/ditch (Cusick 1993) ................................................ 57 Figure 23 Western terminus of Feature 4/21 moat or ditch. ........................................................... 64 Figure 24 Area 4 linear trench stains in cross section, Unit 272N 412E. ........................................ 65 Figure 25 Linear stains/wall sleepers in Trench 292N 408E ........................................................ 68 Figure 27 Feature 19/21 possible structural complex around Unit 268N 422E ............................... 74 Figure 28. Post and Wall trench complex, Unit 268N 422E ............................................................. 75 Figure 28 North profiles of Units 271N 419E and 271N 422E, ....................................................... 79 Figure 29 Features 19 and 21 east-west profile ................................................................................. 79 Figure 10 Lime kiln excavation showing positions of burnt logs ..................................................... 80 Figure 31. Feature 5 Lime kiln plan view ......................................................................................... 81 Figure 32 North-south section of lime kiln at 442.5E line (after Waters 1998) .............................. 82 Figure 33. Lime kiln cross section showing lime and shell deposits ................................................ 82 Figure 34. North wall, Unit 278N422.5 E showing intrusion of modern dredge fill ...................... 83 Figure 35 South wall, Unit 278N 422.5E showing destroyed eastern end of the lime kiln .............. 84 Figure 36 Diagram of a Roman pot kiln (based on Bailey 1938 ) ................................................... 84 Figure 37 Postmold 8 (possible flue stain) in Feature 5 lime kiln .................................................. 85 Figure 38 Unit 263N 413E plan view ............................................................................................... 92 Figure 39 East-west cross section of Feature 32 ............................................................................... 93
ii
Figure 40 Units 268N 416.5E - 417.5E plan view ............................................................................ 95 Figure 41 Feature 33 plan view in Unit 268N 417.5E ...................................................................... 96 Figure 42 Features in Unit 271N 425E ............................................................................................. 98 Figure 43 Features in Unit 260N 242E; Feature 34 section ............................................................ 100 Figure 44 Unit 290N439E showing 1934 ground surface and 1934 excavation ........................... 102 Figure 45 West and north profiles of the "Chapel unit"(2009) ....................................................... 104 Figure 46 Chapel Unit north wall (exterior of Chapel's south wall) .............................................. 105 Figure 47 Chapel unit west wall soil profile .................................................................................. 105 Figure 48 Chapel unit Area 1 coquina block rubble pit .................................................................. 106 Figure 49 Relative percentages of indigenous ceramics through time periods ............................... 114 Figure 51 Ming "Kraakporcelain" sherd ........................................................................................ 125 Figure 52 Wrought iron spikes ....................................................................................................... 125 Figure 53 Weaponry-related items, 8SJ34. ................................................................................... 126 Figure 54. Bead varieties from 8SJ34. ............................................................................................ 128 Figure 55 Copper alloy star and 7-layer faceted chevron bead ..................................................... 129 Figure 56 Silver one-real cob coins, Mexico City post-1572. ........................................................ 130 Figure 57 Architectural features at 8SJ34 ...................................................................................... 137 Figure 58 Hypothetical wall lines ................................................................................................. 138
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 Eyewitness Accounts Of The Establishment Of St. Augustine 15 Table 2 Christian Population Of Nombre De Dios 24 Table 3 Distribution Of Materials Excavated In 1951 37 Table 4 201E 418E Artifacts By Provenience (1985 Excavation) 45 Table 5 Materials Excavated In Unit 287N 442E (1985) 49 Table 6 8SJ34 Datum Plane Information 55 Table 7 Excavated Materials from The Ditch/Moat Feature 58 Table 8 Materials in Wall Trench Features Associated with the Moat/Ditch 61 Table 9 Unit 272n 412e Excavated Materials 66 Table 10 Materials Excavated In Trench 292N 408E (2001) 69 Table 11 Materials in Feature 19 Structural Complex Deposits 75 Table 12 Excavated Material from the Lime Kiln (Feature 5) 86 Table 13 Unit 263N 419E ( 2009) 92 Table 14 Unit 268N 416.5-417.5E (2009) 94 Table 15 Distribution of Excavated Material In Unit 260N 424E (2009) 99 Table 16 Materials Excavated from the Chapel Test 106 Table 17 Distribution of Artifact Proportions Through Temporal Periods 111
Table 18 Summary of all Excavated Materials 1985-2009 112 Table 19 Distribution of Native American Ceramics 1985-2009 115 Table 20 Comparison of Indigenous Ceramic Distributions at 8SJ34 and 8SJ31 118 Table 21 Imported European Tradition Ceramics 121 Table 22 Colonial Era Ornaments, Clothing and Personal Items 125 Table 23 Distribution of Excavated Material Remains in Mission-Era Contexts 138
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The 2009-2011 projects at the Nombre de Dios Mission/Nuestra Señora de la Leche Shrine (“Mission and Shrine”) were supported by grants from the St. Augustine Foundation, Inc. at Flagler College, the Lastinger Family Foundation, and the James Lockwood Foundation. We gratefully acknowledge their interest and assistance. Matching support was provided by the Florida Museum of Natural History, and the University of Florida Institute for Early Contact Period Studies.
The six field seasons of excavation at the site prior to 2009 provided the basis for the current program, and have been supported by the organizations listed in the table below.
YEAR
FUNDING SOURCE
Field Supervisor
Technical report
1985
- Florida Department of State Historic Preservation Matching Grants in Aid; -Florida Museum of Natural History and the Department of Anthropology University of Florida
Ed Chaney
(this report)
1993
-The Institute for Early Contact Period Studies, University of Florida
James Cusick
Cusick 1993
1994
-The National Geographic Society -University of Florida Division of Sponsored Research
-Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida
John W. Morris
Morris 1994
1997
- Florida Department of State Historic Preservation Matching Grants in Aid -Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida
Gifford Waters
Waters 1998, 2005
2001
- Florida Department of State Historic Preservation Matching Grants in Aid - St. Augustine Foundation, Inc. -Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida
Gifford Waters
(this report; Waters 2005)
2009
-St. Augustine Foundation, Inc
-The Lastinger Family Foundation -Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida
Kathleen
Deagan/Gifford
Waters
(this report)
2011
- The St. Augustine Foundation, Inc - The Lastinger Family Foundation - The James Lockwood Foundation - The Frank D. Upchurch Endowment
Kathleen
Deagan/Gifford
Waters
(this report; Waters in prep.)
iv
- The Institute of Early Contact Period Studies (UF)
- Florida Museum of Natural History
A great many individuals and agencies have made this work both possible and productive, not only during the current projects reported here, but over many years of archaeological work in St. Augustine. We would particularly like to thank the Catholic Diocese of St. Augustine under Bishops John Snyder, Victor Galleone and Felipe Estevez for more than 30 years of support and enthusiasm for this project, including permission to work on the property. The entire staff of the Mission and Shrine have provided logistical support of the excavations in many large and small ways – water for screening, help in backfilling, cheerful repairs of spigots run over by field vehicles, and too many others ways to individually list here. I thank them for their hospitality, patience and good humor. We owe a special thank you to Eric Johnson, Director of the Mission and Shrine, who over many years has given us sound advice, constant encouragement and many eagerly-anticipated Friday pizza lunches.
Carl Halbirt and the City of St. Augustine Archaeology program have provided innumerable kinds of assistance and invaluable advice over the years. Carl has been present on site regularly, sharing ideas and helping sort out interpretations. He has also generously released his volunteer crew members to help us in the field on many occasions. At his instigation the City of St. Augustine Public Works Department has provided us with superbly skilled assistance in grading excavation areas, taking overhead photography and in sinking well points, for which we are most grateful. We also would like to acknowledge Maurice Williams, formerly of the Florida Museum of Natural History, who trained field school students in remote sensing methods, and supervised the electromagnetic conductivity survey of the site.
Much of the work at the Mission and Shrine site has been carried out by the people who have volunteered to provide their time, skills and energy to the project. We especially appreciate the
v
members of the St. Augustine Archaeological Association, who have joined us over the years to provide volunteer labor, moral support, advice and enjoyable speaking venues and good parties. At the heart of the archaeological program are the field school students who have comprised the field crews over the years between 1985 and 2001. Ed Chaney, Jim Cusick , Billy Ray Morris and Gifford Waters served as exceptionally able field supervisors, a job that requires archaeological acuity and precision, time and personnel management skills, teaching talent, physical stamina and tactful leadership. The field supervisors also each prepared excellent technical field reports on each season’s work, without which I would not have been able to prepare this one. The table above lists these field supervisors and the source of funding for each season. From 1976 through 1994, student housing and laboratory facilities were provided by the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board, and in 2001 by the City of St. Augustine.
The 2009 and 2011 core field crews at 8SJ34 included SAAA members Nick McAuliffe, Toni Wallace, Peter Larsen, Janet Jordan and Courtney Boren. Their skill, dedication and humor made the final two field seasons at the site successful and great fun. Dr. Gifford Waters of the Florida Museum of Natural History, who has worked on the Mission and Shrine projects since 1994, also participated in the 2009-2011 seasons. Gifford provided supervision in the field and in the analysis and curation of the excavated materials from the site, and continues to manage the artifact collection at the Florida Museum of Natural History. He directed the survey and testing phases of the project to uncover the stone church at the site’s south end.
Invaluable information and insights have been provided by a great many colleagues who have collaborated with us over the years. Dr. Michael Gannon of the University of Florida has been a decades-long source of historical inspiration and endless moral support. Dr. Eugene Lyon has devoted many hours over the course of the project to providing us with guidance, advice, interpretation and critical new historical information. Likewise, Prof. Herschel Shepard and the late Albert Manucy helped us immensely in identifying and interpreting architectural features. Dr. Paul
vi
Hoffman of Louisiana State University has also provided us with most useful critical reviews of our reports from a historical perspective over the years. Sister Cathy Bitzer of the Catholic Diocesan Archives has searched the holdings for materials relating to the archaeology at the site, and produced extremely valuable materials that changed the course of the excavations.
Dr. Betsy Reitz and her students of the University of Georgia have carried out the analyses of faunal remains from the site since the project’s beginning, not only reconstructing the diets of the site’s inhabitants, but also helping us reconstruct the taphonomy and formation processes of the site itself. We have also benefited greatly from discussing these strategies – particularly as related to shellfish - with Irv Quitmeyer of the Florida Museum of Natural History, who has provided a great many shell identifications for us over the years. Ann Cordell of the Florida Museum of Natural History has likewise provided us with identification of pottery types, paste composition and minerals from the Fountain of Youth Park. She has also incorporated samples from the site into her ongoing studies of Florida indigenous pottery to help us better understand the production traditions and exchange patterns of pottery represented at the site.
The many fine photographs of the site and site artifacts found in this report and on our project websites (www.flmnh.ufl.edu/histarch) are the work of Jim Quine, Pat Payne and Jeff Gage. Jim Q. has been the official “crew portrait” photographer since the beginning of the program. Conservation of excavated objects from the site has been done under the supervision of James Levy of the State of Florida Underwater Archaeology Conservation Lab since 1985.
I and my co-workers at the Fountain of Youth Park have also constantly benefited and continuously learned from discussions and review of our data with colleagues working in other Spanish colonial sites. Thanks to Jamie Anderson, Keith Ashley, Judy Bense, Mike Gannon, Buff Gordon, Carl Halbirt, Bonnie McEwan, Jerry Milanich, Stan South, Chester DePratter, Vicki Rolland, Al Woods and Maurice Williams.
vii
INTRODUCTION
The Nombre de Dios Mission /La Leche Shrine site in St. Augustine (8SJ34) has been the focus of intermittent archaeological investigation for more than 75 years. Located on Hospital Creek, approximately opposite the St. Augustine inlet, the site has long been associated with the initial settlement of St. Augustine by Pedro Menéndez de Aviles in 1565, as well as with both the Franciscan Nombre de Dios mission (established in 1587) and the seventeenth century Shrine of Nuestra Señora de la Leche (discussed below).
The site today has an island-like appearance, surrounded on three sides by Hospital Creek (east, west and south) and bounded on the north by present day Ocean Avenue (Figure 1). Figure 1: Location of the Nombre de Dios Mission/La Leche Shrine site
1
It measures about 230 meters north to south, and about 210 meters east to west, encompassing about 1.5 acres(.6 hectares). The property is owned by the Catholic Diocese of St. Augustine and is maintained as a site of religious and historical tourism. The focus of most archaeological investigation has been in the northeast quadrant of the property, immediately south of Ocean Avenue on the eastern shore around the “rustic altar” (Figure 2).
Figure 2: Location of excavations in northeastern property area
2
This area encompasses approximately 1.5 acres, or .6 hectares. Although the discussion of archaeological data in this report is focused on 8SJ34, it should be noted that research at the site has been done over the years in conjunction with excavations at 8SJ31 (the Fountain of Youth Park site), located adjacent and to the north of the Nombre de Dios-La Leche site. Site components of both Menéndez-era and Mission of Nombre de Dios occupations extended across both contemporary properties.
The most recent extensive investigations at the Nombre de Dios-La Leche site were undertaken in 2009 and 2011 by the University of Florida and the St. Augustine Archaeological Association under the supervision of Kathleen Deagan and Gifford Waters (April 1 – June 10, 2009 and November 6-December 18 2011). These were the latest in a series of excavations at the site beginning with those of Mr. Jack Winter in 1938 (Winter 1938) as part of the St. Augustine Historical Program’s effort to locate elements of St. Augustine’s early defenses (see also Chatelaine 1940:iii, 87). Subsequent projects were carried out in 1952 (Spellman 1952), 1975 (Luccketti 1982); 1985 (this report); 1993 (see Cusick 1993); 1994 ( Morris 1995); 1997 (Waters 1998); 2001, 2009 and 2011 (this report). This report is intended both to document the 2009 and 2011 archaeological excavations at 8SJ34 and to summarize the results of all excavations carried out at the site to date.
LANDSCAPE AND CHANGE
8SJ34 is a dry hammock within a Saltwater Lagoon-Marsh environmental zone. The soils throughout the site are classified as St. Augustine-Urban Land Complex , surrounded on the east and south by Pellicer Silty Clay Loam in the areas of tidally inundated marsh (Readle 1983). Pellicer Silty Clay Loam is “very poorly drained, nearly level soil that form in clayey tidal sediments more than 40 inches thick…. they are flooded daily by high tide” (Readle 1983:93). St. Augustine soils are characterized as “somewhat poorly drained level soils that are formed as a result
3
of dredging and filling activities. The soils consist of sandy marine sediments mixed with fragments of loamy or clayey material and fragments of shells”( Readle 1983:101). It is subject to periodic flooding and a high water table, and is not considered suitable for cultivated crops (Readle 1983:32). Most of urban St. Augustine is comprised by this soil, which in addition to movement of marine sediments, was undoubtedly also formed by human occupation and cultural deposition processes.
The soils of the Nombre De Dios-La Leche site are generally comprised of St. Augustine Soil with heavy amounts of marine shell resulting from human deposition. At the eastern edge of the site, bordering Hospital Creek, the surface elevation is approximately 5 feet above mean sea level
(MSL). The surface slopes sharply upward toward the west, achieving an elevation of approximately 9 feet MSL adjacent to the rustic altar. This dramatic rise in surface elevation is largely the consequence of twentieth century dredge and filling activities which took place after 1938 (that is, after the Winter excavations occurred). This sharp demarcation between post-1938 fill and intact soils was revealed during both the 1994 and 2009 field seasons (Morris 1995:11, below). The highest point of the property is the area in which the 2009-2011 excavations took place, at ca. 10 MSL.
There have been major changes in the surrounding coastal morphology, water levels and water channel locations over the millennia, and these have shaped the landscape seen today at the Shrine. Such changes have come about through both natural and human impacts, including sea level rise, water-related soil erosion and accretion, and storm action, as well as dredging and filling of wetlands and waterways during roadway (particularly Ocean Avenue) and bridge construction. Although the precise extent to which these activities affected the landforms around Hospital Creek is unclear, depictions of the property on historic maps, combined with the results of archaeological
4
testing, makes it apparent that an unknown amount of land along the eastern side of the site has been removed or severely altered.
The nature of landform change before the late eighteenth century is largely unknown, since no precise maps showing the coastline at this scale exist before then. Although showing the coastline, the Boazio (1586) (Figure 3) and Mestas (ca. 1593) (Figure 4) maps depict the area in a representational and distorted manner, without reliable scale.
Figure 3: Detail of the 1586 Boazio map. The area between the two creeks enclosing the fort is thought to be the probable vicinity of 8SJ34.
Figure 4: The ca. 1593 Mestas map, showing the pueblo of Nombre de Dios above and to the right of the fort.
5
The first maps that permit comparison with the present configuration of St. Augustine’s shoreime were made in the eighteenth century, and include the 1737 map by Antonio de Arrendondo (Figure 5), the 1764 map by Pablo de Castello (Figure 6), and the 1784 map made by Maríano de la Rocque (Figure 7). These show the general configuration of the mouth of Hospital Creek, the Nuestra Señora de la Leche Shrine (8SJ34), and the Fountain of Youth Park site (8SJ31). These maps indicate that the most dramatic change in the immediate area of the sites has been the filling of much of the east-west extending branch of Hospital Creek and the marshland that bordered it between the Nombre De Dios-La Leche site and the Fountain of Youth Park site; the dredging of Hospital Creek to form the boat basin today border in the eastern side of the Nombre De Dios-La Leche site, and the construction of Ocean Avenue and the storm drain system that empties into Hospital Creek..
Figure 5: Detail of the 1747 map by Antonio de Arredondo. North is toward the left side of the image.
6
Figure 6: Detail from the Pablo de Castello map (1764) showing the Hornabeque line and Nombre de Dios to the south of the defense.
Figure 7: Detail from the Bellín map (1764)showing structures on both banks of Hospital Creek
7
Figure 8: Detail from the Puente map (1769). The key identifies "12" as the place known as Nombre de Dios and as the place where the first Mass was said in 1565. The shrine of La Leche is noted, as well as the circumstances of its destruction. (Courtesy of Elspeth Gordon)
During the eighteenth century and before, the mouth of Hospital Creek was located approximately where the present boat basin at the east end of Ocean Avenue is today, on the east side of the Nombre de Dios-La Leche site. The creek extended in a southeasterly direction along the east and south sides of the Shrine of Nuestra de Señora de la Leche to a point just west of present day San Marcos Avenue, ending approximately in the area between Hope Street and Old Mission Road.
Hospital Creek retained much of its original configuration through the nineteenth century. In 1885 it formed a lagoon along the east side of San Marcos Avenue (Wellge 1885), and it was still plotted in this position in 1891 (Dorr 1892) (Figure 9). The western and southern portions of the
8
creek were gradually filled during the early years of the twentieth century, both through natural accretion and human activity.
Figure 9: Detail from the Dorr Map (1892)
Major changes in the immediate waterscape of Hospital Creek and 8SJ34 undoubtedly occurred when the present inlet was dredged by the Corps of Engineers in 1942. A 200 meter wide inlet was dredged some 400 meters north of the existing inlet, almost directly east of the La Leche shrine and
the Fountain of Youth Park. Maintenance dredging of the channel has occurred since that time, undoubtedly altering the water flow and sand deposition patterns in this area. Other alterations undoubtedly occurred with the construction of the towering metal cross erected on the site in 1965 to commemorate St. Augustine’s 450th anniversary under the direction of Micheal Gannon, then Director of the Nombre de Dios Mission and Shrine.
9
Figure 10: Detail from a 1943 Florida Department of Transportation aerial photoshowing the site area prior to the filling of south Hospital Creek
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Pre-1565
The native people living in the vicinity of St. Augustine and northeastern Florida at the time of European arrival were members of the Timucua socio-linguistic community, which was comprised of multiple tribes loosely confederated into independent and often competitive chiefdoms. Considered archaeologically, this region incorporated at least seven distinct but interacting cultural subdivisions with distinctive material assemblages (see Milanich 1996:44-55). St. Augustine is located in what was considered to be the Timucua “heartland”, a region extending from the mouth of the St. Johns River southward along the river and the Atlantic coast to Lake Harney and the north
10
end of the Indian River (approximately the same area called the “Northern St. Johns Region” by John Goggin (1952).
The principal defining archaeological characteristic of the Timucua heartland is the production and use of St. Johns Series pottery: a smooth, chalky-textured ware using spiculate-containing clays. This pottery, and presumably the Timucua people and their ancestors, appeared in the region about 2,500 years ago (ca. 1550 BC), and continued to live in the St. Augustine area until about 200 years ago (AD 1750). The only major change and chronological division in the 2,500 year-long St. Johns ceramic tradition was marked by the introduction of check stamping as a ceramic design motif, at approximately 1200 years BPE (A.D. 800). This change, initiating the St. Johns II period, was accompanied by larger, more sedentary populations, and probably a greater dependence on farming.
According to Spanish and French accounts of the 1560’s, the cacique of the St. Augustine area, Seloy (or Soloy), was subject to the regional chief Saturiwa, whose seat was near present day Jacksonville, close to the mouth of the St. Johns River. Saturiwa headed the “Agua Salada” or “Saltwater” tribes, one of the many Timucua political units and linguistic subdivisions recorded by early Spanish and French chroniclers. Somewhat ironically, however, the political and linguistic affiliations of the Timucua in the vicinity of St. Augustine itself are unclear. It is uncertain whether they were speakers of the “maritime” coastal dialect recorded by the Franciscan friar and linguist Francisco Pareja (generally referred to by scholars today as the Mocama dialect), or the Agua Salada (“Saltwater”) dialect that he distinguished as separate from the maritime dialect (Hann 1996:6-7; Granberry 1987:36) (for synthetic ethnohistorical works on the century Timucua see Deagan 1978b; Hann 1996; Milanich 1996, Worth 1995).
The first Spanish settlement of 1565 was located in the vicinity of Hospital Creek, in the territory governed locally by the cacique Seloy. Both Seloy and regional chief, Saturiwa, were
11
bitter enemies of the Spaniards, and remained violently hostile well after other Timucua caciques had treated with Menéndez (Barrientos 1965:140). The initial Spanish settlement in Seloy’s territory endured for only nine months, until Timucuan hostility drove the Spaniards to a new site across the bay on Anastasia Island, more safely distanced from Seloy (Lyon 1997b). It was not, apparently, until 1572 that the Seloy Timucua were either sufficiently peaceable or sufficiently vanquished by disease and warfare to allow the Spaniards to move back to the mainland and establish St. Augustine in its present downtown plaza location
The archaeological data recovered so far at the Nombre De Dios-La Leche site suggest that there was only a very sparse occupation of the site by Timucuans before the mid-sixteenth century. Very few archaeological deposits date to the pre-1565 period, which is in sharp contrast to the north side
of Hospital Creek. From the present-day Fountain of Youth Park northward, a series of dense, St. Johns II period precolumbian occupation sites extends northward for nearly a mile along St. Augustine’s Intracoastal Waterway (Chaney 1986:34-38; Handley 2001; Smith and Bond 1983; Wallace, et. al. 2007). To the south, however, beginning at approximately Ocean Avenue, no precolumbian St. Johns period sites have been recorded, despite extensive survey and testing (Chaney 1986:34-35; Goggin 1952-53; Herron 1990; Luccketti 1982; Smith and Bond 1981). It is possible that the original configuration of Hospital Creek marked a Native American cultural boundary of sorts.
Spanish arrival, 1565
The general outline of events surrounding the establishment of St. Augustine has been well known through familiar sources for decades (see especially Chatelaine 1941; Lyon 1976; Solis de Meras 1923). Menéndez was the Captain General of the Spanish fleet stationed in the West Indies to protect trade and shipping. He was also a privateer and had a troubled history of tax evasion and smuggling. But the protestant French presence in Florida convinced Phillip II of Spain to enter into
12
a joint venture with Menéndez to both settle Florida and expel the French. A race to Florida began in 1565 between Menéndez' colonization expedition and the French relief fleet under the command of Jean Ribault sent to assist the barely-surviving French settlement at Fort Caroline (at the site of present day Jacksonville, Florida) (McGrath 2000).
The two fleets arrived in Florida almost simultaneously. Menéndez decided to make landfall about 50 miles south of Fort Caroline, and came ashore to claim Florida for Spain in the vicinity of St. Augustine. More than 800 Spaniards (including 26 women) made their camp at or near a village under the jurisdiction of the Timucua Cacique Seloy. While Menéndez and most of the soldiers marched north to deal (this time successfully) with the French at Fort Caroline, the rest of his expedition established the settlement in or near the Indian town.
The events of these first days are unclear, and eyewitness accounts of the establishment of the settlement are ambiguous and often contradictory (Table 1). It is well established, however, that the encampment - the real or pueblo- was established close to or perhaps around the fort, where civilians and off-duty soldiers lived in bohios (Indian-style huts). This encampment site has been identified in the southeastern quadrant of the Fountain of Youth Park (8SJ31) (Deagan 2009). Pedro Menéndez wrote that he sent his Captains ashore initially to make an entrenchment intended to protect goods and people that were being unloaded from the ships. The intention was to later select a site for the fort more carefully once the immediate threats and uncertainties of arrival were past. In contrast, Father Francisco López de Medoza Grajales, one of the expedition’s chaplains, wrote that upon landing, the Spaniards took a house of a chief, and made a fortification around it (see Table 1).
Father López’s account is partially corroborated by a third-hand comment by the French commander of Ft. Caroline, Rene de Laudonniere. He noted that Ribault “had been informed by King Emola, one of our neighbors arriving during our consultations, that the Spaniards had gone
13
ashore in great numbers and had seized the houses of Seloy and used them for their Negroes whom they had brought to do labor. He said that they now lodged themselves on the land and had made protective trenches around themselves” (in Bennett 2001:159).
The traditional manner of creating a fortification in the century would have been the construction of a moat and earthwork, which leave distinctive archaeological signatures. It should be noted, however, that many of the early Spanish forts in Florida did not have such moats. At Menéndez’s other townsite of Santa Elena, which he established in 1566, Fort San Felipe did not have a moat until four years after the fort itself was constructed (South 1983:43). And no trace of the first Santa Elena fort of 1566 (San Sebastian) or its moat has ever been found, despite an extremely extensive program of testing and excavation over more than 20 years (South 1980, DePratter and South 1995; South and DePratter 1996).
Eugene Lyon (1997) has documented that the first fort at St. Augustine contained a casa de municiones, which housed the expedition’s supplies, munitions and the lodgings of the expedition’s officials. Because the storehouse housed the ammunition, there was considerable fear of fire: "...neither by day or by night was any flame lit in the said (storehouse) unless the said Camp master ordered it. And when a candle was lit one person had it placed in a water jar " (in Lyon 1997a:134). Eyewitnesses recount that the building had a stout wooden door. Another contemporary, Bartolomé Barrientos, stated that the fort's powder house was thatched with palmetto leaves: "they (the Indians) fired the powder magazine, which readily caught fire because it was thatched with palmetto leaves"( Barrientos 1965:106). The Spaniards referred to the building as a buhio, the word used in the Caribbean to describe a thatched hut, and sometimes a large house of a cacique.
14
TABLE 1: Eyewitness Accounts of the Establishment of St. Augustine
The Adelantado:
I sent on shore with the first 200 soldiers, two captains, Juan Vincent a brother of the Captain Juan Vicente, and Andres Lopez Patiño, old soldiers, in order to throw up a trench in the place most fit to fortify themselves in, and to collect there the troops that were landed so as to protect them from the enemy if he should come upon them. They did this so well that when I landed on Our Lady’s Day to take possession of the country in your Majesty’s name, it seemed as if they had had a months time, and if they had had shovels and other iron tools, they could not have done it better, for we have none of these things, the ship laden with them not having yet arrived. I have smiths and iron, so that I can make them with dispatch, as I shall. When I go onshore we shall seek out a more suitable place to fortify ourselves in, as it is not fit where we are now. This we must do with all speed, before the enemy can attack us, and if they give us eight days more time, we think we shall do it,
Pedro Menéndez de Aviles translated by Henry Ware “ Letters of Pedro Menéndez de Aviles, Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings VIII:419-425.
The Captain and Brother-in law
As soon as he reached there (the harbor of St. Augustine) he landed about 300 soldiers and sent two captains with them, who were to reconnoiter that daybreak the next morning the lay of the land and the places which seemed to them strongest (for defense), in order that they might dig a trench quickly while it was being seen where they could build a fort…”(Gonzálo Solís de Méras, Connor translation p. 89)
The Priest
" They went ashore and were well-received by the Indians, who gave them a very large house of a cacique which is on the riverbank. And then Captains Patiño and San Vicente, with strong industry and diligence, ordered a ditch and moat made around the house, with a rampart of earth and fagots..." (Father Francisco López de Medoza Grajales, Lyon translation 1997:6.)
The Enemy
(the Spaniards) “went on shore at the River of Seloy, which we had called the River of Dolphins” (Jean Ribault) “had been informed by King Emola, one of our neighbors arriving during our consultations, that the Spaniards had gone ashore in great numbers and had seized the houses of Seloy and used them for their Negroes whom they had brought to do labor. He said that they now lodged themselves on the land and had made protective trenches around themselves Laudonniere- 2001: 158-159.
The Colonists
Menéndez’s colonists included some 500 soldiers, 200 seamen, and 100 “others”, comprised by civilians, clergy and the wives and children of 26 soldiers. All were from Spain. One hundred and thirty eight of these soldiers also held “office” (license) in various crafts and trades, including 10 stonemasons 15 carpenters, 21 tailors 10 shoemakers, eight blacksmiths, five barbers, two surgeons, two lime makers, three swordsmiths, a gunmaker and a crossbow repairman. Other trades represented among the group included tanners, farriers, wool carders, a hatmaker, an embroiderer, a bookseller, coopers, bakers, gardeners, an apothecary, and a master brewer. Another 117 of the
15
soldiers were also farmers, ready to settle and farm the land once the French were vanquished (Lyon 1976:92).
Their circumstances deteriorated within a month. After the capture of Ft. Caroline, Menéndez renamed the French fort “San Mateo”, and left a garrison of three hundred men there. Those who remained in St. Augustine were obligated to build their own fort, and in October of 1565 Menéndez wrote to the King that “we are suffering for want of food, and the labors and dangers that we undergo are great, the fort that we erect here being built by the labor of every man, of whatever rank, of six hours every day, three hours before noon and three hours after, and if the men do not endure it well, many of us will be sick and die” (AGI Seville Santo Domingo 221, in Quinn 1979:397). The following month, in November of 1565, another fort was established near the mouth of the Indian River and 200 men were left there. Additionally, a considerable number of soldiers and seamen accompanied Menéndez on his explorations and voyages, which took place almost continuously for the first five months after settlement.
Thus by November of 1565, it was likely that fewer than 200 people remained at the St. Augustine settlement, living in the campo real. They continued to suffer from hunger, illness and Indian attacks, and it was reported in January of 1566 that more than 100 people had died in the Florida forts from hunger and cold (Lyon 1976:140).
Mutiny and Rebellion
These conditions, exacerbated by the failure to find wealth, led to mutinies against Menéndez by the soldiers in both St. Augustine and San Mateo in the Spring of 1566. Records of the St. Augustine mutiny provide additional detail about the storehouse. The rebels apparently gained easy access to the fort at midnight on March 8, and proceeded to the casa de munición, which had a wooden door. After pounding on it with lances and halberds, they forced the door and tied up the loyal soldiers inside.
16
They made their escape in a boat, leaving a rear guard to spike the fort guns. Witnesses recounted that the rebels went "down river" about a league and a half (approximately four statute miles) from the fort to the bar of St. Augustine, where they were just out of reach of the fort guns. This information, combined with recent work on the changing configurations of the St. Augustine inlet and bar (Franklin and Morris 1996), indicates that this first fort "must have been on the west shore of the Matanzas river, at a point somewhere above an east-west line drawn through the inlet at that time" (Lyon 1997a:135).
The mutiny was ultimately quelled, but the Spaniards' fears of fire were realized a month later. On April 19, the fort burned, either as a result of Indian attack or accident. In either case, relations with the Timucua in the area had deteriorated badly, and the Spaniards decided to move the fort across to the east side of the bay rather than rebuild the burned Seloy fort. This they did, building an insubstantial fortification at the (then) north end of Anastasia Island. When a relief fleet of 17 ships under General Sancho de Archineaga arrived in June of 1566, they were able to build a more substantial fort. This third fort, too, was across the bay from the original Seloy fort in hostile Indian territory (Lyon 1997a-b).
Abandonment and Casas Fuertes
By the end of 1566, peace treaties were established between the Spaniards (by then headquartered on Anastasia Island) and the Timucuan groups to the west and north of the St. Johns River. In Saturiwa’s domain, however, which included the vicinity of St. Augustine, hostilities continued and accelerated. Again, writing to the King in early 1567, Menéndez reported that “all the caciques in the interior of this territory have proclaimed themselves allies of the Adelantado and vassals of the King. Most of them have done away with their idols and worship the Cross; excepting those caciques who inhabit the area thirty to forty leagues around the Lutheran (note:
17
French) fort. These are on the warpath, and try to let no Christian escape with his life.” (Barrientos in Quinn 1979:535).
After relocating across the bay, Menéndez ordered one of his officers, Captain Andrada, to build a series of blockhouses, or casas fuertes, to guard against and combat Saturiwa’s forces. The Captain was to
“ proceed with 100 of his men in his company to Polican, an island close to the Matanzas River, some five leagues south of St. Augustine...and there build a build blockhouse. In the interval of construction, Capt. Hernando Muñoz and his lieutenant with fifty of their men were to stand guard. A second blockhouse was to be erected alongside the first, and here soldiers were to be stationed constantly so as to watch the movements of any ships at sea. The blockhouses were to be built on high ground for maximum effect and were to remain in communication with St. Augustine. The entire island was to be kept free of Indians, since the natives, subjects of Saturiba, are enemies of the Spaniards…..
“ Still another blockhouse, similar to the one at Polican, was to be erected in Soloy, in the district of cacique Soloy, by Francisco Muñoz with about the same number of men as was assigned to Polican. Construction of this last-mentioned post was to be undertaken by the end of July 1567. Other outposts were planned on a height overlooking the residence of cacique Alimacani (at the mouth of the St. Johns river), and at Old St. Augustine (San Agustín el Viejo). All of these blockhouses were to be built in the designated places to overawe the unfriendly Indians who had never desired alliance with the Christians” (Barrientos in Quinn 1979:532).
This description of the establishment of blockhouses in 1567 is immediately relevant to the archaeological investigations the Nombre de Dios-La Leche site (8SJ34). Not only does it document that there was a Casa Fuerte built at or near the original site of St. Augustine (“San Agustín el Viejo”), but that this blockhouse was distinct from that built at “Soloy, in the district of
18
cacique Soloy”. Obviously the place called Soloy by the Spaniards in 1567 was not the same place at which the first settlement had been established in 1565.
For more than a century, historians and archaeologists have referred to that first Spanish settlement site as having been located “at Seloy’s village” which in fact it undoubtedly was, given that it was under the regional jurisdiction of Seloy (see discussion by Gordon 2006). However it must be considered that the town referred to by the Spaniards by the name of Soloy (at least by 1567) may well have been further to the north of what is today the mouth of Hospital Creek. It is also possible that Seloy’s village may have been relocated after the arrival of the Spaniards in 1565, and the establishment of their settlement. This suggestion is reinforced by later accounts that describe the village of “Soloy” as two leagues distant from Nombre de Dios in 1602 (Baltazar López in Hann 1996:158; Pedro Bermejo in Arnade 1959:60).
It is also possible that the Soloy and San Agustin Viejo blockhouses were built opposite one another across what is today Hospital Creek, in the manner of the Polican Blockhouse and its companion across the Matanzas River. Although Hospital Creek today is dramatically altered and diminished from even its nineteenth century configuration, it was undoubtedly a much more significant inlet and body of water during the century. If this were the case, the locations of the blockhouses have not yet been discovered. Without archaeological verification, it is difficult to assess the veracity and reliability of the single documentary account referring to casas fuertes constructed at both Soloy and San Agustín el Viejo, just as it is difficult to assess whether both of them were in fact actually built.
It is known, however, that the blockhouse at Old St. Augustine was active in 1568, and was reported to have been located across the river or bay from the Anastasia Island fort. In July of 1568, hostile Indians of gathered at the casa fuerte of “San Agustin del Viejo” (Lyon 1997b: 104), and on the twentieth of that month, “seven suits of padded armor were lost when a canoe was
19
carrying thirty suits for the succor of the soldiers who were in the casa fuerte of Old St. Augustine (San Agustín Viejo), because warlike Indians had gathered there. The said canoe turned over in the arm of the sea over which one must cross to the said strong house..." (Lyon 1997b:140). It is not known how long the mainland casas fuertes were manned after this date, but it seems clear that the second and third forts of St. Augustine, as well as the town itself, remained on Anastasia Island until 1572. In that year the town was once again relocated, this time to the site it occupies today.
The Nombre de Dios Town and Mission
After the first fort and settlement were moved to Anastasia Island in 1566, relations between the Timucua and the Spanish, as noted, remained hostile until at least the early 1570's. Organized efforts to convert the Timucua in the St. Augustine vicinity did not begin until after 1573, when the first Franciscan missionaries came to Florida St. Augustine area (Gannon 1965:36-37; Hann 1996:138-140). Even then, notable success in conversions did not take place until after 1577, when Fray Alonso de Reinoso recruited a new group of friars and brought them to St. Augustine. They baptized many native inhabitants in the vicinity of St. Augustine before the formal establishment of mission churches in 1587 (Juan Menéndez Márquez (1602) in Arnade 1959:51-52; Hann 1996:139; Geiger 1937:55) including, most importantly, some of the local governing elite (see Bushnell 1994:104-108). Doña María Meléndez, the cacica of Nombre de Dios in the early years of the seventeenth century, is one of the best known of these. She inherited the position from her mother, Doña Catalina , who “was the cacica nearest this presidio of St. Augustine and one of the first to become Christians, serving and favoring the españoles without wavering” (Menéndez Marqués and Las Alas 1595, in Bushnell 1994:120) . Her daughter, Doña María, assumed the position of cacica in the 1590’s. Doña Maria was described as being very hispanicized, and was married to a Spanish soldier, Clemente Vernal, who lived with her and their children at Nombre de Dios.
20
Amy Bushnell has described the practice in Florida (as well as in most other parts of the century Spanish Americas) of Spanish governors taking the children of high ranking Native Americans into their households to be raised and educated in the Spanish tradition. Both Pedro Menéndez de Aviles and Pedro Menéndez Marqués practiced this sort of patronage, and their elite charges frequently adopted the Governor’s name at baptism as their own Christian names. These elite native girls were often married to Spaniards chosen by the Governor (Bushnell 1994: 105-107), and Doña Maria could have been one of these.
At the time Doña Catalina and later Doña Maria were governing, the center of the mission community was probably located at what is today the southwest quadrant of the Fountain of Youth Park (Deagan 2009:40-44). Two concentrations of late sixteenth century Christian Indian burials in this vicinity suggest the location of the early mission church and campo santo area, although the community itself extended both to the north and south of the church.
A recent comprehensive study of the location and history of the Nombre de Dios mission has suggested that the town of Nombre de Dios was built by Spanish soldiers in 1580, with the intention that Native peoples would settle there, and facilitate conversion (Gordon 2006). The archaeological evidence recovered so far from the Nombre de Dios-La Leche and Fountain of Youth Park sites does not, so far, support this. At the Fountain of Youth Park site there is (as noted above) a Christian Indian burial area and church dating to the late and early seventeenth centuries in the southwestern part of the property (Deagan 2009:40-44), suggesting that this was the site of the initial Nombre de Dios mission church. The site’s archaeological deposits, however, show that it was also the location of intensive Timucua occupation both before and after the construction of the church. It is of course possible that a 20 or so year hiatus occurred in that occupation between the arrival of Menéndez and the installation of María Melendez’s mother, Catalina, as cacica, but this cannot be either demonstrated or disproved by the currently available data.
21
When Frances Drake attacked St. Augustine in 1586, there was an established village of Spanish-allied Christian Indians at what was to become the mission and town of Nombre de Dios. Following that raid, Juan de Posada wrote to Phillip II that, although he arrived in St. Augustine after the Drake raid,
“I came in time to avoid that which our people feared from the aborigines, since ours had no fort, artillery, food supplies, or munitions, and what was the worst, the natives were plotting to kill them all- soldiers, women and children – as has been ascertained within the past eight days. Although he (Drake) burned this city and the fort he did no damage at all to an Indian village which is a cannon’s shot from here. On the contrary, he sent persons there to flatter these natives, just as he did with those yonder; but they found the village deserted because in addition to being Catholic and such close neighbors, they had withdrawn to the bush with their women and children ” . Sept. 2, 1586 (in Quinn 1979:151).
The town was described in 1586 as “a cannon’s shot” away, which was under about 1,500 yards according to Manucy (1962:34,49). In 1593 the native town of Nombre de Dios was recorded as 1,500 pasos (paces, which is a variable width of about 1 meter) from the Spanish town of St. Augustine (Mestas map 1593); and in 1606 and 1659 it was described as a quarter of a league (1 kilometer) distant (Geiger 1937:196; Juan de la Calle in Chatelaine 1941:123n12). The mouth of Hospital Creek is 1.52 kilometers from the archaeologically-identified sixteenth century Spanish town plaza, and thus the village of Nombre de Dios was almost certainly located in the vicinity of the Nombre de Dios-La Leche and Fountain of Youth Park sites of today. The church, presumably the plaza, and other important structures were at least initially, however, at the location discussed above.
The Christian Timucuans in the St. Augustine vicinity attended Mass in the town of St. Augustine until after 1587, when the first Franciscan mission doctrina was established at the
22
Timucua pueblo of Nombre de Dios, and was given the same name. Franciscan friar Antonio de Escobedo was assigned there and helped build the first mission church, which within a few years had “many statues of saints” (Arnade 1959:29). Eight years later in 1595, a mass baptism of 80 people was held at Nombre de Dios (Alonso de las Alas testimony 1602, in Arnade 1959:57), and by then, the governance of the town had passed to Doña María Melendez, the daughter of the previous cacica. In that year, to demonstrate her allegiance, she obliged each of the 48 heads of household under her to give one arroba of maize to assist the Spanish colonists in St. Augustine (in Bushnell 1981:97).
It was at about this time or before that Doña María married Spanish soldier Clemente de Vernal. In 1606 they had two children old enough to be confirmed (usually 7 years of age) by Bishop Altamirano during his visit in that year. Altamirano confirmed 84 people at Nombre de Dios, including the cacica, her 2 children and “twenty españoles” who presumably lived at the Indian town. Villages subject to Doña María included Palica, Nombre de Dios Chiquito, Capuaca, Solo, San Pablo, Cahericao, San Mateo, and according to the Bishop’s account, the San Pedro mission community on Cumberland Island. She is said to have lived most of the time at San Pedro after 1604 (Hann 1996:16).
This assertion, if accurate, underscores the profound political changes among the Native American groups of La Florida after the arrival of the Spaniards. San Pedro and San Juan del Puerto were occupied by Mocama Timucua people, while the other noted groups (located to the south of the St. Johns River) were Saltwater Timucua (see Ashley 2009; Deagan 2009; Worth 2009). The consolidation of these formerly independent political and cultural areas under Doña Maria (and possibly Doña Catalina before her) suggests direct and major Spanish intervention in indigenous political affairs.
23
Table 2 Christian Population of Nombre de Dios
Date
Population
Source
1602
200 Timucuans
Bermejo 1602
1606
216 Natives, 20 Espanoles
1675
30-35 people
Calderón 1675
1689
20 families
Ebolina de Compostela
1689
1711
39 Timucuans (16 men, 11 women, 5 boys, 7 girls).
Córcoles y Martínez
1711
1717
50 Timucuans – 15 men, 16
women, 19 children
Primo de Rivera 1717
1726
62 Chiluca – 55 old Christians, 7
recent converts (19 men 23 women 23 children)– had stone church and convent
Benavides 1726
1728
43 people, 14 men, 17 women, 12
children.
Bullones 1728
1738
(April)
49 (15 warriors) Timucua: 12 men, 7 women; Yamassee: 2 men eight
women; Uchise: 1 woman;
Apalachee: 2 men)
Benavides 1738
1738
(late)
23 people in 13 families
Guemes y Horcasitas
1739
1759
Consolidated; listed as “Nuestra
Senora de la Leche”– 11 households including Timucua(6)
Yamassee(23) Ibaja (10) Chiluque (1), Costa (9) Casipuya (1)
Chickasaw(2)
Ruís 1759
(Sources: Hann, John 1996 The Timucua University Press of Florida, pp. 308-323;
Worth, John 1995, Timucuan chiefdoms of Spanish Florida, Volume 2. University Press of Florida. 147-155.
In 1654-55 a smallpox epidemic was reported to have virtually wiped out the population of Nombre de Dios, and Governor Rebolledo ordered that the population of Santiago de Oconee (a visita on the edge of the Okefenokee swamp comprised of Mocama Timucua and fugitive Indians from elsewhere) should be forcibly moved to St. Augustine to repopulate Nombre de Dios (Hann 1996:154-157; Worth 1995:50-51). The relocation effort appears to have been largely unsuccessful, since most of the Oconee inhabitants fled to the interior before they could be moved. It is probable that the portion of the Nombre de Dios mission village located at the Fountain of Youth Park site
24
was largely abandoned after that time, and the mission population was concentrated in the area occupied today by the Nombre De Dios-La Leche site (see discussion in Deagan 2009; Waters 2009).
Nombre de Dios continued in decline through much of the seventeenth century, and did not have a resident friar for much of the century. In 1674, a visita conducted by Bishop Gabriel Díaz Vara de Calderón of Cuba noted in St. Augustine that: “Going out of the city at half a league to the north there is a small village of scarcely more than thirty Indian inhabitants, called Nombre de Dios, the mission of which is served by the convent” (Wenhold 1937:8).
The inhabitants of Nombre de Dios mission were expected to remain available for ferrying duty. During the first half of the seventeenth century, several mission towns at strategic water crossings, including Tocoy and its nearby successor, San Diego de Helaca, on the St. Johns River west of St. Augustine; Nombre de Dios and Tolomato along the Tolomato River just north of the city; and San
Juan del Puerto at the mouth of the St. Johns River operated the ferries. These towns were generally exempt from the yearly repartimiento labor (Worth 1995:II 24).
During the early seventeenth century the Shrine of Nuestra Señora de la Leche y Buen Parto (Our Lady of the Milk and Safe/Happy Delivery) was established at Mission Nombre de Dios. Nuestra Señora was represented by a venerated statue from Spain, thought to have been brought to Florida by the Franciscans (Gannon 2008). The shrine was the focus of much devotion among Catholics, and women in particular, and drew substantial offerings and alms. In 1677 St. Augustine Governor Pablo de Hita y Salazar was the head of the confraternity (a lay religious organization devoted to good works) at Nombre de Dios, and he built a stone and masonry church in which to house the image. The governor wrote that he had “built a church for Our Lady out of mortar and masonry, the only one like it in the provinces”(Hita y Salazar 1678 in Bushnell 1994:131).
25
The location of that original shrine has been traditionally thought to have been in the vicinity of the stone chapel erected to commemorate that devotion, today on the grounds of the Nombre de Dios-La Leche site. Tests in 2011, however, revealed a very large stone building some 100 feet to the south of the present chapel, making it likely that stone church/shrine was located in that area (discussed below).
The seventeenth century stone church of La Leche, as well as the mission buildings at Nombre de Dios, were burned in 1702 by the English and Indian forces of South Carolinian Colonel James Moore, who laid unsuccessful siege to St. Augustine in that year. Father Martín de Alanco, the missionary in charge of Nombre de Dios, reported that the English set fire to the entire town with “fury and rancor”, especially when burning the Catholic churches. He further noted that “the fire was so voracious that nothing, not even a vestige, was left of these churches, the convent (of San Francisco) and the doctrinas because the construction, including the roofs and fences, was of wood”(in Arnade 1959b: 57-58). This was corroborated by other testimonies, and curiously, none of the reports (including that of Father Alanco) made mention of a stone church at the mission. Micheal Gannon writes that the La Leche chapel was rebuilt of coquina, and that it measured 33 feet by 15 feet, and could accommodate the 40 Christian Indians remaining at the mission (Gannon 1965:77).
As a consequence of the Moore raid, a new intermediate defense line for St. Augustine (called the Hornabeque line) was built along the south side of Hospital Creek, and was completed between 1706 and 1708 (Chatelaine 1940:84). The fortification consisted of an earthen wall with a moat, extending between the San Sebastian River on the west, and the mouth of Hospital Creek on the east. A small bastion or lunette with six cannon was constructed by 1715 at the eastern end of the Hornabeque line, at the village of Nombre de Dios on the south side of Hospital Creek. At that time, the mission town of Nombre de Dios must have extended across Hospital Creek and occupied
26
both the north and south banks (possibly the northern Nombre de Dios Macaris and the southern Nombre de Dios Chiquito discussed below).
The war between the Yamassee of South Carolina and their former British began in 1715, and had a major impact on both the Native American population of St. Augustine, and on the Mission of Nombre de Dios (See Bushnell 1994:195-96; Hann 1989). Large numbers of Yamassee migrated to St. Augustine after 1715 in an attempt to ally themselves with the Spanish, and they swelled the Native American population of the community. Many of the Yamassee immigrants apparently settled at or near the Mission of Nombre de Dios. By 1723 a census of Native American towns recorded two villages named Nombre de Dios – “Nombre de Dios Macaris”- the “old” Nombre de Dios containing the Shrine of La Leche- and another called “Nombre de Dios Chiquito”, which was on the south side of Hospital Creek, inside the Hornabeque defense wall (Table 2) . In 1728 Nombre de Dios Chiquito was described as having been the biggest of all the native settlements initially "because of having two villages united in it, with the two caciques ruling," but with only one friar” (Hann 1989:196). At that time it was located about four miles from St. Augustine, but by 1728 harassment by the Chickasaw and other tribes had driven Nombre de Dios Chiquito's inhabitants to a site "close to the city, a rifle-shot away." By 1734 the "Village of Chiquito" contained only fifteen men above the age of twelve", and in 1738 Nombre de Dios Chiquito had a total of forty inhabitants (Table 2; Hann 1989).
The end came for the La Leche stone church at Nombre de Dios (Macaris) in 1728, at the hands of Col. James Palmer, another British raider who attacked St. Augustine with a force of Yamasee and English soldiers. They ravaged the church and burned the settlement at Nombre de Dios before retreating, taking many captives with them. After the Palmer raid, the governor of St. Augustine commanded that the Church and buildings at Nombre de Dios be blown up in order to prevent them
27
from being used by the enemy. Most of the town seems to have moved south of the Hornabeque wall at that time.
The La Leche shrine and hermitage were rebuilt on the south side of the Hornabeque line during the 1750’s. It was described in 1759 as:
“newly built with the alms which the faithful and devotees of this supreme Lady have given. It is 18 varas long, 9 wide, 4 ½ high; and in the front is a belfry or wall, in which the bells are located. It is of stone with a roof of shingle. It has a dining room and a room joining with the sacristy where the religious live. The room to the north of that is designated for those who make a pilgrimage to visit this miraculous image. The church has its front to the east, from where the port or entrance to the bar is seen. From the edge of the sea it is a stone’s throw, and is about 850 paces from the city.”(Solana 1760 in Deagan 1991:558-559). The site described by Solana was probably located to the south of the great cross that was erected in 1965 to commemorate the 400th anniversary of St. Augustine’s founding and the first Mass.
By 1759 the area encompassed by the present day site of 8SJ34 (north of Hospital Creek) was largely abandoned. The two Nombre de Dios settlements – Macaris and Chiquito – appear to have been combined on the south side of Hospital Creek, and were inhabited by a mixed group of refugee Indians, including six Timucuans, twenty-three Yamasee , five half-Timucua and half Yamasee children, ten Ibaja, two Chickasaw, one Casipuya, one Chiluque and one Costa household. At the time of Spanish departure from St. Augustine in 1763, there were two Native towns remaining – Tolomato and Nombre de Dios, both within a gunshot of the fort, and containing only 86 people between them.
28
Nombre de Dios in the British and Second Spanish Periods
With the arrival of the British to St. Augustine, the La Leche church building (on the south side of the Hornabeque line and Hospital Creek) was put into use as a hospital. The property to the north of the creek, including 8SJ34 and extending nearly two miles to Mose, became part of Governor Grant’s Farm, which was an experimental agricultural plantation (see Schaefer 2000). After Grant’s departure in 1771, the subsequent Governor, Patrick Tonyn, allowed several Minorcan families to farm parts of the lands, including parcels on what is today 8SJ34. In 1778 for example, the family of Juan Villalonga built a small house and farmed on the north side of Hospital Creek (Bagwell 1938:9), probably within the present boundaries of 8SJ34.
When Florida was returned to Spain in 1784, the government designated the land within 1,500 varas yards of the town walls as the“mil y quinientos” – a perimeter left clear of construction and high vegetative growth for defensive purposes (Hill 1940:xxx). The Nombre de Dios-La Leche site fell within this area, as did the still extant building of the second La Leche church and hermitage south of Hospital Creek.
The land (on the south side of the creek) on which the church stood in 1784 was given to the Catholic Church under the supervision of Father Thomas Hassett, and became again a place of worship. It served as a church until 1793, when it was dismantled to provide building materials for the first Cathedral of St. Augustine (Gannon 1965:107-108).
Government permits were given, mostly to Minorcans who had arrived in St. Augustine during the British occupation, to farm tracts of land in the mil y quinientos as long as no high crops were grown and no substantial or permanent buildings were constructed there. Farming of the present Nombre de Dios-La Leche site area by the Villalongas, Seguis, Fushas, Solanas and others continued through the Second Spanish and territorial periods (Bagwell 1938).
29
By the mid-nineteenth century the present property comprising 8SJ34 was owned by one John McGuire, who had acquired it from Phillip Solana. McGuire had protected the site during his ownership, apparently recognizing its association with the Nombre de Dios Mission. In 1868 he sold it for one dollar to Bishop Augustín Verot, who had been ordained as the first Bishop of Florida in 1858. Verot mistakenly believed that a missionary had been martyred at Nombre de Dios, and noted some years later that he acquired the property “not for my own personal and individual benefit, but is for the benefit of the Church and to perpetuate the memory of the martyrdom of a missionary which occurred there” (August 7, 1874, in Bagwell 1939:7). He undertook a reconstruction of the first La Leche chapel in 1875, however a hurricane just two years later severely damaged the building. A second reconstruction based on Verot’s original chapel was undertaken in 1918, and that structure remains on the site today (see Gordon 2006). The site also served as a Catholic cemetery at the end of the nineteenth century. The Tolomato cemetery near the City Gates became overcrowded after the yellow fever epidemic of 1884, and the Shrine of Nuestra Señora de la Leche became a burial ground for St. Augustine’s Catholics after that time. A new and larger Catholic cemetery, San Lorenzo, was opened in 1892, and burials ceased at the Nombre de Dios-La Leche site by the early years of the twentieth century.
CONDITION OF 8SJ34 TODAY
Relatively little sub-surface alteration to the site has occurred since the cessation of its use as a cemetery. During the 1930’s a small office building and gift shop for the La Leche shrine were built at the extreme northwestern corner of the site, expanding gradually over the years to its 2009 configuration. A small rustic altar was placed at the northeast corner of the site at some point after the late 1930’s to commemorate the first Mass in St. Augustine in 1565, and a number of cement and asphalt pathways have been constructed throughout the grounds.
30
An extensive irrigation system has been installed throughout the property, with its impact largely restricted to the upper 25 centimeters of soil deposit. The rich plantings and tree coverage on the grounds have been perhaps the most extensive twentieth century disturbance to the archaeological deposits across the site.
Little has been documented about the impacts of road construction (Ocean Avenue) along the north boundary of 8SJ34, or the placement of storm drain outlets into the marsh to the east. These were undoubtedly significant. Archaeological excavations have shown that approximately the eastern 10 meters of the property, bordering the water’s edge, consists of dredge fill, including the remains of wood and tarpaper buildings, perhaps a fish shack that stood in Hospital Creek, still visible on a 1943 aerial photo of the area (Figure 10) . Records of dredging in Hospital Creek to create the existing boat basin on the east side of the site have not yet been located, but that activity was potentially among the most destructive of activities to the century archaeological deposits.
ARCHAEOLOGY AT 8SJ34
1938
The first recorded archaeological study of the Nombre de Dios-La Leche site was done in 1938, as part of the Carnegie Institute of Washington-sponsored study of the Defenses of Spanish Florida (Chatelaine 1941). Excavations were done by Mr. Jack Winter along the eastern (waterfront) side
of the property, searching for evidence of early Spanish fortifications (Winter 1938). Approximately 115 feet of three and four-foot wide trenches were excavated over a period of seven days, located in the approximate position shown in Figure 11. Portions of two of these trenches were located during the excavations of 1994 and 2009.
Winter’s field notes do not provide information on the kinds or quantities of artifacts recovered from the excavations, however he did provide rough sketches of postmolds and pits in the trenches.
31
No evidence for Spanish fortification activity was recovered, and the current location of the excavated materials is unknown.
Figure 11: Locations of 1938 excavation trenches
1951
In 1951 Father Charles Spellman, Director of the Diocese of St. Augustine Archives, undertook excavations in search of the original stone chapel of Nuestra Señora de la Leche (Spellman 1952; UFAL site file records). With the assistance of students from the University of Florida working under John Goggin, he excavated eight units that appear to have measured five by five feet (no scale is provided on the extant maps or report) (Figure 12).
32
Figure 12: Map showing 1952 excavation area and foundation
Another 23 units were apparently also excavated in 1951, although there is no mention of these in the report (Spellman 1952). Evidence for the excavation of these units, however, is provided by labeled artifact collections and laboratory forms at the Florida Museum of Natural History, and recently-located field excavation forms provided by Sister Catherine Bitzer of the Archives of the Catholic Dioceses of St. Augustine. The excavation is described on the 1951 University of Florida Archaeological Site Form as:
33
“About 100 to 150 feet directly south of the Chapel Building…running under the roadway down the sloping hill for about forty feet. First pit dug almost on a straight line from the east side of the chapel”.
Figure 13: Approximate location of 1951-52 excavations by Spellman and the University of Florida
This suggests a location approximately in the vicinity of that shown in Figure 13. Figure 14 shows the excavation plan and grid of the 1951 investigations. In the eastern cluster of units
34
Spellman uncovered the remnants of a masonry (coquina block and tabby) building foundation at a depth of about 12 inches beneath the 1951 surface (Figure 14).
Figure 14: Excavation unit designations for 1952 excavations (north at top of map) and estimated locations of coquina (black) and tabby (grey) features recorded on 1951-52 analysis forms
The footprint of the structure, as reconstructed from field sketches, appears to measure at least 80 feet east to west, and at least 35 feet north to south. Two and possibly more rooms are suggested. What appear to have been exterior wall foundations were described by Spellman as coquina block, although these may actually have been remnants of walls themselves, since the maximum excavated depth was just 12 inches below ground surface, and no footing trench was
35
described or noted. At least one interior tabby wall “foundation” was described by Spellman, and several areas of very deteriorated lime mortar tabby or tabby rubble suggested interior floors. Excavations in the general vicinity of Spellman’s work done by Ed Chaney in 1985, however, located the remains of a very deteriorated tabby or lime mortar former pathway in this area (see below, “1985 Excavations”). It is possible that at least some of what Spellman described as: “ a loose mixture of oyster shell and mortar….it can be literally brushed away with a broom” was also part of the earlier path. Chaney dated the path deposit to the late nineteenth or early twentieth century.
Shovel tests excavated during 2011 by the University of Florida re-exposed portions of the foundation of the structure uncovered by Spellman. These showed that it was of coquina block construction over packed oyster shell footing trenches. The dimensions of the building are about 85 feet east to west, and 40 feet north to south. The construction date (and therefore the identification) of the structure cannot be made with certainty until the actual footings (rather than the remnants of what may have been above-grade walls) are studied. However, there is also no record of a stone building on the site, other than the present La Leche chapel, after 1728.
The artifacts recovered during the 1951 excavations (Table 3) suggest a late seventeenth or early eighteenth century date for the structure. Of the dateable European ceramics, 86 percent date to the first half of the eighteenth century, 7.7 percent date to the seventeenth century, and nearly 7 percent date to the British or Second Spanish periods (1765-1821). All of the post-1750 artifacts were
recovered from the upper six inches of soil. A mean ceramic date calculated on the dateable ceramics excavated in 1951 yielded a midpoint date of 1726.6 for the entire assemblage, and 1720.8 for all proveniences excluding Level 1.
The recovery methods (screen size, materials saved versus material discarded, etc.) used by Spellman are unknown, and this could have introduced bias in the artifact assemblage. A 1985
36
excavation unit in this same vicinity (Figure 13) done by Ed Chaney, however, produced a very similar ceramic assemblage and dates, using very fine-grained techniques. Despite the shallowness of the structural deposits, the most reasonable date for their deposition and abandonment appears to be the early eighteenth century. If the church that was rebuilt after Moore’s burning of the original La Leche chapel was, in fact, just 33 feet by 15 feet, (Gannon 1965:77), the structure located by Spellman is most like the 1677 stone church .
8SJ34 NOMBRE DE DIOS-LA LECHE SHRINE SITE
TABLE 3 Distribution of materials excavated in 1951 (Levels in inches below 1951 surface)
L-1
0-6"
L-2
6"-
12"
L1-2
0-
12"
L-3
12-
18"
PIT
SITE
TOTAL
% Euro.
ceramics
% all
material
Majolica : sixteenth century
Yayal B/W
1
1
0.3%
Majolica : seventeenth century
Abó Polychrome
1
1
0.3%
Puebla Polychrome
5
5
1.3%
San Luis polychrome
19
1
1
2
23
5.9%
(Subtotal)
26
1
1
2
30
7.7%
1.37%
Majolica eighteenth century
Huejotzingo B/W
4
4
1.0%
San Augustín B/W
77
18
2
1
98
25.3%
(Subtotal)
81
18
2
1
102
26.3%
4.65%
Majolica UID date
Unidentified Majolica
8
8
2.1%
Unidentified White Majolica
12
2
1
15
3.9%
Unidentified B/W Majolica
30
4
6
40
10.3%
(Subtotal)
50
6
6
1
63
16.2%
2.87%
Subtotal All Majolica
257
25
7
3
3
295
76.0%
Other ceramics seventeenth-eighteenth century
Guadalajara Polychrome
1
1
2
0.5%
Asian Porcelain
3
5
8
2.1%
Olive Jar
53
12
3
2
70
18.0%
(Subtotal)
57
18
3
2
80
20.6%
3.64%
Utility ceramics sixteenth-nineteenth century
Redware
4
4
8
2.1%
Lead glazed Redware
33
1
34
8.8%
Lead glazed Coarse
Earthenware
2
2
0.5%
(Subtotal)
39
4
1
44
11.3%
2.00%
European ceramics eighteenth century
Agate ware
4
4
8
2.1%
Staffordshire Slipware
8
4
19
4.9%
Plain Faience
2
2
0.5%
B/W Faience
3
2
5
1.3%
Polychrome Faience
6
2
8
2.1%
(Subtotal)
23
8
4
42
10.8%
1.91%
37
8SJ34 NOMBRE DE DIOS-LA LECHE SHRINE SITE
TABLE 3 Distribution of materials excavated in 1951 (Levels in inches below 1951 surface)
L-1
0-6"
L-2
6"-
12"
L1-2
0-
12"
L-3
12-
18"
PIT
SITE
TOTAL
% Euro.
ceramics
% all
material
European ceramics post 1760
Annular Ware
1
1
0.3%
Creamware
12
12
3.1%
Pearlware, Hand painted
7
7
1.8%
Pearlware, Transfer printed
1
1
0.3%
Refined Earthenware, Hand Painted
4
4
1.0%
Whiteware
2
2
0.5%
(Subtotal)
27
27
7.0%
1.23%
All European Ceramics
303
55
15
3
5
388
17.68%
NATIVE AMERICAN CERAMICS
% Native
American ceramics
% all
material
St. Johns ware
Plain
73
21
3
2
5
104
Stamped
32
13
7
52
(Subtotal)
105
34
3
2
12
156
11.33%
7.11%
San Pedro wares
Cord marked
1
1
Plain
3
3
Stamped
1
1
(Subtotal)
5
5
0.36%
0.23%
San Marcos/Altamaha Ware
Incised, Puncate
2
2
Check Stamped
3
3
2
8
Complicated Stamped
2
2
Plain
138
26
14
178
Punctate
12
3
2
17
Stamped
233
114
14
7
29
397
(Subtotal)
390
146
28
9
31
604
43.86%
Shell Tempered San
Marcos/Altamaha
Check Stamped
1
1
Complicated Stamped
2
2
Cord Marked
4
4
Plain
59
27
4
1
91
Stamped
59
27
1
87
(Subtotal)
125
54
4
2
185
13.44%
Subtotal All San
Marcos/Altamaha
515
200
32
11
31
789
57.30%
35.95%
Unclassified Wares
Sand tempered
Plain
176
116
6
7
8
313
Check stamped
22
45
1
68
Complicated Stamped
1
1
2
Cord marked
5
5
Incised
2
2
"Stamped"
2
2
38
8SJ34 NOMBRE DE DIOS-LA LECHE SHRINE SITE
TABLE 3 Distribution of materials excavated in 1951 (Levels in inches below 1951 surface)
L-1
0-6"
L-2
6"-
12"
L1-2
0-
12"
L-3
12-
18"
PIT
SITE
TOTAL
% Euro.
ceramics
% all
material
(Subtotal)
206
161
7
7
11
392
28.47%
17.86%
Sand and shell tempered
Plain
18
4
20
Stamped
2
2
4
Cob marked
2
2
(Subtotal)
20
8
26
1.89%
1.18%
Other
Mission Red Filmed
2
2
Orange Fiber Tempered
2
2
1
5
(Subtotal)
4
2
1
7
0.51%
0.32%
All Native American Ceramics
855
405
42
21
54
1375
62.64%
Glassware and Domestic Items
Glass, Amber
1
1
Glass, Clear
24
1
4
29
Glass, Dark Green
92
16
3
111
Glass, Light Green
1
1
Bone Handle
1
1
(Subtotal)
119
17
3
4
143
6.51%
Architectural Items
Wrought Spike
1
1
UID Nail
64
21
85
Roof tile
4
1
5
Brick Fragment
12
1
2
15
Glazed Brick Fragment
2
2
Mortar Fragment
8
1
1
10
Painted Plaster
1
1
Plaster
3
3
(Subtotal)
93
26
122
5.56%
Arms:
Cannonball Fragment
1
1
Gunflint
1
1
Gunspall
1
1
Lead Shot
4
4
(Subtotal)
5
2
7
0.32%
Personal and ornamental Items
Aglet?
2
2
Bead, Blue Glass
1
1
Bead, Facetted Clear Glass
1
1
Bead, Bone
1
1
Pendant, Brass
1
1
"Ferric Cone"
1
1
Kaolin Pipe Bowl
1
1
Kaolin Pipe Stem
2
2
4
(Subtotal)
7
3
2
12
0.55%
39
8SJ34 NOMBRE DE DIOS-LA LECHE SHRINE SITE
TABLE 3 Distribution of materials excavated in 1951 (Levels in inches below 1951 surface)
L-1
0-6"
L-2
6"-
12"
L1-2
0-
12"
L-3
12-
18"
PIT
SITE
TOTAL
% Euro.
ceramics
% all
material
Production Items
Lead fragment, facetted
1
1
Iron Object
4
1
5
Worked Bone
1
1
Copper Fragment
1
1
Iron Fragment
95
25
6
1
127
Lead Fragment
1
1
(Subtotal)
102
27
6
1
136
6.20%
nineteenth-twentieth c. Items
U.S. Penny
2
2
Bras Casing*
3
3
Lead Bullet*
4
4
Shell Button, 4-hole
1
1
(Subtotal)
10
10
0.46%
TOTAL ARTIFACTS
1494
535
71
25
63
2195
The composition of the artifact assemblage recovered by Spellman has unusual statistical characteristics. Nearly nine percent of all the artifacts are Spanish or Mexican majolica, which is more than four times the average for majolica in the Spanish home sites of eighteenth century St. Augustine (see Deagan 1983). Native American ceramics comprised 62.7% of the total artifact assemblage, which is much lower than the proportion of Native American ceramics in either eighteenth century Spanish households, or in other contemporary mission communities around St. Augustine (see for example, Waters 2009; White 2002). These figures imply that the structure was occupied or used principally by Spaniards, and the obvious identification at the Nombre de Dios in the early eighteenth century is the church and/or convento.
The current sample of excavated material suggests also that the structure may be an element of the 1677 stone shrine church built by Governor de Hita y Salazar, or the post-1702 mission rebuilding of that church after the destruction of the site by James Moore. Obviously, additional excavation of the structure will be necessary to precisely determine its function and date of construction (and particularly if the building were constructed over the site of the original late
40
seventeenth century La Leche Shrine). It seems very likely, however, that it was part of the Nombre de Dios Mission and Shrine of Nuestra Señora de la Leche complex in the first decades of the eighteenth century, that is, between the destruction of the buildings by Moore in 1702, and subsequently again by the Spanish governor after the Palmer attack of 1728. In the absence of an interpretive report or publication, Spellman’s excavations went largely unheeded until the present decade, being reconstructed only through the recent location of the excavation records in the Catholic Diocese of St. Augustine. The University of Florida survey and excavations in 2009 and 2011 confirmed the location and size of the masonry building, and analysis of that material is currently underway.
1976 Survey
In 1976 The Florida State University Field School directed by Kathleen Deagan began a broad scale sub-surface survey of the St. Augustine environs in order to help define the locations of colonial period (and particularly century) sites. The area of North City between the Castillo de San Marcos and May Street, to the east of San Marcos Avenue, was tested on a 10-meter grid using a 4” bit diameter power auger (Chaney 1986; Luccketti 1981; Herron 1990).
In 1976 Nicholas Luccketti excavated 404 auger holes on the property owned by the Catholic Diocese, extending between Pine Street on the south, San Marcos Avenue on the west, the waterfront on the east and Ocean Avenue on the north (Figure 15) (Luccketti 1981:45-46). Of the 287 tests on the property south of Hospital Creek, only seven (2.5%) yielded artifacts, and these were non-clustered scatters near the southeastern corner of the property. Most of the area to the south of Hospital Creek consisted principally of fill and dredge soil, typically to a depth deeper than the auger bit (48 inches or 1.22 meters).
41
Figure15: Distribution of colonial-era artifacts from the 1976 auger survey (from Luccketti 1982). Numbers indicate the total number of artifacts from each hole.
The portion of the Catholic Diocese property comprising 8SJ34 (that is, north and west of Hospital Creek) was tested with 117 auger tests, 38 (32%) of which yielded artifacts. Most of these were Native American San Marcos (75%) and St. Johns (12%) ceramics, but concentrations of European artifacts (comprising 13% of the recovered material) were noted at the southern end of the property, bordering on Hospital Creek (Figure 15). This was in approximately the area test by Spellman in 1952, although the location of those excavations was unknown in 1976. An area of shell midden was also identified in the extreme northeast corner of the property, in the vicinity of the rustic altar.
42
1985 Excavations
The Nombre de Dios-La Leche site was not investigated archaeologically again until 1985, when University of Florida graduate student Ed Chaney tested three areas of the site. Remains of the 1565 encampment of Pedro Menéndez had recently been located on the grounds of the Fountain of Youth Park (8SJ31), directly adjacent to the north of the Nombre de Dios-La Leche site (Chaney 1986; Deagan 2009). No evidence for a moat or defensive structure had been identified at 8SJ31, however, and the presence of sixteenth century materials at Nombre de Dios-La Leche provoked Chaney to excavate test units at the site to better understand the nature of the century occupation there. The discussion here is based on Chaney’s field notes and excavation records. Three units were excavated during the summer of 1985. These were designated by the coordinates of the unit southwest corners. Chaney attempted to tie in his excavations to the existing grid at the Fountain of Youth Park site (8SJ31). Subsequent excavations at 8SJ34 (after 1985) used a grid established in relation to magnetic north (see discussion in Cusick 1993, Appendix A). Chaney’s grid designations and cardinal orientation, therefore, do not correspond directly to those used in other excavations.
201N 418E
The southernmost unit, designated as 201N 418E, was placed about 30 meters (98.4 feet) southwest of the southwest corner of the La Leche chapel, approximately at the 1993-2009 grid point 215N 386E (see Figures 13, 16). This was a three meter by 1.5 meter unit, oriented north south, and was probably within the confines of the structure located by Spellman (although the existence of that structure was unknown in 1985). Relatively few artifacts were recovered from this unit, and all dated predominantly to the eighteenth century mission period. No sixteenth century or precolumbian contexts were identified (Table 3).
43
Figure 16: Approximate location of 1985 Unit 201N418E in relation to the 1951 excavations The southern half of unit 201N 418E was dominated by a thick layer of concrete over concrete
rubble (Feature 1). This overlaid Feature 2, a band of unfinished concrete that was thought to be related as a foundation to Feature 1. Feature 2 contained a cut nail (post-1850), assigning a date for both features of the late nineteenth or early twentieth century. Chaney did a series of soil probes, and posited that these features were related to a no-longer-extant paved pathway extending from the west side of the La Leche chapel to the south and east.
The northern half of the excavation unit contained several deep postmolds that may be related to the structure uncovered by Spellman (Figure 17). However, additional field testing to precisely locate the Spellman units in relation to Chaney’s excavation will be needed in order to explore this possible relationship.
The artifact assemblage recovered from Chaney’s southern unit (Table 4) is very similar to that recovered from the 1951 Spellman excavations, in that it has a high proportion of European pottery in relation to the amount of Native American pottery, and the artifacts themselves date predominantly from the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Based on presently available evidence it appears to have been part of the same occupation and possibly the same
44
structure as that uncovered during the 1951 excavations. If so, the paucity of artifacts and other remains suggests that the 1985 excavation unit may have been inside the structure.
8SJ34 Nombre de Dios-La Leche Shrine site
TABLE 4- 201N 418E Artifacts by Provenience (1985 excavation)
(5 centimeter
levels within
zones)
Z1L
1
Z1
L2
Z2
L1
Z2
L2
Z2
L3
Z2
L4
Z2
L5
A1
L1-
4
A
3L
2
F2
L1
TO
T
Prop.
tot
EUROPEAN
TRADITION
CERAMICS
Majolica
Puebla Blue on
White
1
1
Puebla Polychrome
1
1
1
3
San Agustin Blue on White
1
1
San Luis Polychrome
1
1
Unidentified
Polychrome
1
1
1
3
Unclassified White
1
1
2
Subtotal
11
0.04
Other Tablewares
Plain Delftware
1
1
Asian Porcelain
1
1
Creamware
1
1
Subtotal
3
0.01
Utility Pottery
Olive Jar
1
1
2
1
5
Lead Glazed Coarse Earthenware
1
1
2
Unidentified Coarse Earthenware
6
4
10
Subtotal
2
6
12
7
3
1
31
0.11
NATIVE
AMERICAN
CERAMICS
St. Johns Plain
3
1
1
5
St. Johns Check
Stamped
2
2
2
6
San Marcos Plain
2
1
1
1
1
6
San Marcos Stamped
1
4
3
1
1
1
11
Unclassified Grit
tempered Plain
2
2
Unclassified Sand Tempered Plain
1
1
1
3
Unclassified
Sand/Grit Tempered Plain
1
1
3
2
7
Unclassified Sand Temp. Red Filmed
1
1
2
45
8SJ34 Nombre de Dios-La Leche Shrine site
TABLE 4- 201N 418E Artifacts by Provenience (1985 excavation)
(5 centimeter
levels within
zones)
Z1L
1
Z1
L2
Z2
L1
Z2
L2
Z2
L3
Z2
L4
Z2
L5
A1
L1-
4
A
3L
2
F2
L1
TO
T
Prop.
tot
Unclassified San
Tempered Stamped
1
1
Unclassified Shell Tempered Plain
1
1
Subtotal
2
10
12
8
2
1
9
44
0.15
GLASS
Clear
1
1
Dark Green
3
3
Clear Flat
3
1
4
Green
1
1
Unidentifiable
1
6
7
1
15
Yellow
1
1
Subtotal
25
0.09
ARCHITECTURAL ITEMS
Square nail
1
1
Nail
3
1
2
6
Wire Nail
2
2
Nut
1
1
Subtotal
10
0.03
TOOLS
Stone Biface
1
1
2
Shell
1
1
3
0.01
TOTAL
ARTIFACTS
1
10
45
61
33
10
2
9
1
5
289
1.00
Iron fragments
1
4
9
2
1
11
28
46
Figure 17: Postmolds at base of unit 201N418E (tabby /plaster floor feature is in lower left corner of unit).
Unit 325N 408E
Chaney’s northernmost 1985 excavation unit, 325N 408E, was on the north side of Ocean Avenue near the southern edge of the dirt lot presently used for parking. Chaney found that the soil in this unit consisted principally of relatively recent (late nineteenth or early twentieth century) fill dirt extending down to sterile sand (designated as Zone 1 levels 1-5 and Zone 2 level 1). There was some suggestion that the area may have been graded prior to filling, but other than a very few Native American and Spanish sherds mixed in the fill layer, there was no indication of colonial period activity in this unit.
47
Unit 287N 440E
Chaney placed this 1.5 by three meter unit in the northwestern corner of 8SJ34, on the sloping ground just southeast of the rustic altar. The upper 10 centimeters of soil were largely modern humus and eroded slope soil. Below this was a shell midden, designated by Chaney as Zone 3. The upper 15 centimeters of the midden covered the entire unit. However below that level, the midden occurred in only the south half of the unit, while sterile soil appeared in the northern half. At that point it was recognized that the southern “midden” deposit was actually part of a large feature, and upon excavation this was revealed to have been part of a wide ditch or moat. The field designations for the fill from the ditch include Zone 3, levels 3-13.
Figure 18: 287N 440E (1985) Top of ditch and wall trench (upper) and near base of ditch and wall trench (lower)
48
A narrow trench (Feature 3) was encountered running east to west across the unit, parallel to the edge of the ditch (Figure 18). It appeared at 20 centimeters below the top of the ditch, as initially recognized. The trench varied from 20-25 centimeters in width, and was 25 centimeters deep. Two postmolds were found at its base. This feature is assumed to have been associated with the ditch, possibly supporting a wall or palisade.
Materials recovered from the ditch feature indicated that it was filled in during the sixteenth century (Table 5). The feature’s fill included a facetted Chevron bead, typical of the mid- century, as well as a copper star thought to have been part of a flagellant’s lash. The proportion of St. Johns pottery, associated with the local Timucua people, was more than three times greater than that of San Marcos pottery in the ditch fill, also indicating a date early in the Spanish occupation period (see Deagan 2009b; Waters 2009).
As the feature was further investigated over subsequent field seasons (1994 and 1997) however, other segments of what is assumed to be the same ditch or trench had fill episodes dating to the later or perhaps even the seventeenth century. These investigations are discussed below.
TABLE 5 8SJ34 Materials excavated in Unit 287N 442E (1985)
Z1L1
Z2L1
Z3L1
Z3L2
Area
1
F3
PPM1
PPM3
DITCH
TOTAL
European Ceramics
Seville B/B
1
1
Unidentified Morisco Ware
1
1
Unidentified B/B Majolica
2
2
Olive Jar
1
3
1
6
11
Glazed Olive Jar
1
1
Redware
2
2
Unglazed Coarse
Earthenware
1
1
2
Late Painted Pearlware
1
1
Subtotal:
1
1
5
1
13
21
Indigenous Ceramics
St. Johns Plain
2
22
18
1
2
1
82
129
St. Johns Check Stamped
2
10
25
17
2
1
46
104
Subtotal:
2
12
47
35
3
3
1
128
233
49
TABLE 5 8SJ34 Materials excavated in Unit 287N 442E (1985)
Z1L1
Z2L1
Z3L1
Z3L2
Area
1
F3
PPM1
PPM3
DITCH
TOTAL
San Marcos/Altamaha
Plain
2
3
10
23
2
9
50
Stamped
1
4
7
2
1
10
25
Subtotal:
3
7
17
25
2
1
19
75
San Pedro Grog
Tempered
Stamped
12
2
2
16
Plain
1
1
2
Grog/Sand tempered Plain
2
2
Grog/Sand tempered
Stamped
2
2
Subtotal:
Unclassified Wares
Sand and Grit Tempered Plain
1
6
7
Sand Tempered Incised
4
4
Sand Tempered Plain
4
1
10
4
29
48
Sand Tempered Red
Filmed
1
1
Sand Tempered Stamped
2
2
Lamar-like Incised
1
1
Subtotal:
1
14
5
39
63
TOTAL Indigenous
ceramics:
9
20
76
77
3
10
1
1
193
393
Nonceramic Artifacts
Glass
Clear
4
1
6
1
12
Clear Flat
15
29
1
45
Light Green
1
1
Fasteners
Hook
1
1
Unidentified Nail Frag.
1
1
Wire Nail
1
1
Wrought Spike
1
1
Personal Items
Chevron Bead
1
1
U.S. Coin
1
1
Pipestem
1
1
Copper Star
1
Tools
Stone Biface Tool
1
1
Shell Tool
1
6
7
Misc. Materials
Chert debitage
1
1
50
TABLE 5 8SJ34 Materials excavated in Unit 287N 442E (1985)
Z1L1
Z2L1
Z3L1
Z3L2
Area
1
F3
PPM1
PPM3
DITCH
TOTAL
Iron Fragment
1
13
6
5
25
Lead Fragment
1
1
Plastic Fragment
2
2
Subtotal Nonceramic
Artifacts:
10
19
51
7
16
102
TOTAL ARTIFACTS
45
100
328
244
9
30
3
3
630
1403
1994 Electromagnetic and subsurface survey
In order to try and investigate the area between the presumed campsite and the sixteenth century features at the Nombre de Dios site, a systematic, sub-surface posthole test program, and an electromagnetic conductivity survey were undertaken in an approximately 1,000 square-meter of the Church’s property adjacent to the north side of Ocean Avenue (Curtis 1998).
Figure 19: Location of 1997 electromagnetic and posthole survey
A small creek marks the northern boundary of the survey area (and the southern boundary of the Fountain of Youth Park site), the paved city street of Ocean Avenue marks the southern boundary
51
of the survey area; the water of Hospital Creek forms the eastern boundary and a Church-owned building delimits the west side of the area. The eastern (shoreline) edge of the property has been impacted both by dredging for the boat basin, and the construction of storm drainage facilities, while the southern edge has been largely destroyed by the construction of Ocean Avenue. The western side of the survey area was previously occupied by a large house, demolished sometime after 1943 (this can be seen in the 1943 photo, Figure 10). Grid coordinates for the survey corners are: SW: 321N398E; NW:394N398E; NE: 394N434E; SE:321N434E. Forty eight postholes were excavated at 5 meter intervals, to a depth that encountered standing water (averaging 91.8 centimeters below ground surface).
Nineteenth and twentieth century artifacts – pottery, wire nails, glass, brick, concrete etc. - were abundant throughout the survey area (Curtis 1998). Despite the large amounts of these modern materials, the survey nevertheless showed that nearly all of the survey area contained evidence for a Mission Period (1587-1763) and possibly earlier Native American occupation. Of the 128 indigenous ceramic sherds recovered, 68 (54%) were St. Johns pottery, 21(17%) were San Marcos pottery, and 29 (31%) of unclassified sherds. These proportions are very similar to those recovered at 8SJ31 to the south of Ocean Avenue, and are consistent with the mission period Native village occupation (ca. 1587-1763) of Nombre de Dios.
A single sherd of Puebla tradition majolica and eight sherds of Spanish utilitarian earthenwares comprise the only European colonial-period ceramics. These results additionally suggest that properties of both the Nombre de Dios-La Leche Shrine site (8SJ34) and the Fountain of Youth Park site(8SJ31) were indeed part of a spatial (and probably cultural) continuum during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
The materials were most densely concentrated at the eastern side of the survey area, adjacent to the waterfront. The depth of sterile soil ranged from about 30-40 centimeters along the edge of
52
Ocean Avenue, to greater than one meter in the northeastern quadrant of the survey area. That quadrant is bounded on one side by the dredged boat basin, and on the other by a tidally-inundated stream . Although the deposit depths may correspond more to the accumulation of materials and marsh mud at the water's edge than to intensity of occupation, it is worth noting that it is contiguous with the distribution of mission period village remains documented to the north at the Fountain of Youth Park (see Deagan 2009a: 99, Figures 5.2-5.54).
The electromagnetic conductivity survey carried out in the same survey area revealed a linear discontinuity of about 4.5 meters in width extending northward from the north edge of Ocean Avenue for 15 meters. It forms a boundary between the west side of the survey area, which exhibits very low conductivity, and the east side, which has dramatically higher conductivity properties. The conductivity patterns are clearly related to the wet and high saline soil conditions adjacent to the shorelines, as well as to the former presence of a building on the property, which was demolished after 1943 (this can be seen on the photograph shown in Figure 10). The linear electromagnetic anomaly is nevertheless provocative, and merits further archaeological attention.
1993-2001 Excavations
It was not until 1993 that Chaney’s discovery of a moat-like feature at 8SJ34 was re investigated. In that year, James Cusick and the University of Florida’s Institute for Early Contact Period Studies returned to the site to uncover more of the ditch feature, and assess its significance. Subsequent excavations by the University of Florida field schools in 1994, 1997 and 2001 built upon and expanded the discoveries made in 1985 and 1993. The controls and protocols for excavation, sampling and recording were the same for all of the work done between 1993 and 2009, and documentation of these is included in this report as Appendix A. Details of those excavations are reported in Cusick (1993) Morris (1995) and Waters (1998) and will be summarized here.
53
Elevations for all excavations were tied into the same reference points (manhole covers in Ocean Avenue, as well as the base of the rustic altar). Throughout this report, elevations have all been converted to meters below datum in reference to the 2009 datum plane (referred to as ambd, adjusted meters below datum). The reference point for that datum plane was the westernmost square manhole cover in the cluster of 4 manholes at the eastern end of Ocean Avenue. This was 3.21 meters below the 2009 datum plane. That manhole is 6.27 feet (2.3 meters) above mean sea level. Therefore all elevations in this report can be converted to meters above mean sea level by adding 2.3 meters.
Figure 20 shows the locations of all excavations and major features documented between 1985 and 2009. The most significant of these for understanding the site are the ditch or moat feature; a series of shallow linear trenches, large (50 centimeters or more in diameter) post stains suggesting a structure, and a lime kiln. Small postmolds were common throughout the excavations but rarely revealed regular architectural patterns. Very few trash pit or fire pits were located in these excavations, suggesting a low incidence of domestic occupation.
Table 6 8SJ34 datum plane information: Meters above reference points
Year
NE corner lowest tier of altar
bricks
SE corner: lowest tier
of altar
bricks
NE corner
highest tier of altar
bricks
SE corner:
highest tier of altar
bricks
Westmost
manhole,
east end of
Ocean Ave
Manhole in front of
main gate to grounds
Oak
Tree
PVC
marker
Convert
to 2009
datum
plane
1985
1.40
2.96
2.34
+35
1993
1.30
2.82
2.48
1.76
+39
1994
1.25
2.77
2.76
1.70
+44
1997
1.76
3.03
1.52
+28
2001
1.65
2.92
+29
2009
1.96
1.91
1.70
1.74
3.25
0
2011
1.74
+22
The Ditch/Moat
Cusick’s 1993 excavations relocated the ditch-like feature first found in the 1985 excavation by Chaney. A five meter by five meter unit (281N 436E) exposed the entire width of the suspected moat feature (designated as Feature 4), providing a complete cross section (Figure 21). This
54
revealed that it was, in fact a moat-like ditch. The top of the ditch appeared at 1.85/ 2.24 ambd, or about 40 centimeters below the 1985 ground surface. At the 436E grid line the ditch itself measured four meters wide and had a depth of 80 centimeters (base 2.64 ambd) . At the 441 E grid line five meters to the east, Feature 4 was 4.5 meters wide, and it’s had a maximum depth of one meter, with its base 20 centimeters lower at 2.84 ambd than to the west. This suggests that the ditch became wider and deeper as it sloped toward the water to the east (Figure 22). It is also possible that the shallower depth (below ground surface) at the western end of the feature could also have been caused by soil erosion impacting the upper levels of the ditch fill.
Investigation of the moat/ditch feature was continued and expanded in the 1994 and 1997 field seasons. That work revealed that the eastern end of the ditch has been cut off by modern dredge and filling activity. From its presently existing eastern end, the feature extends approximately 38 meters (124.6 feet) to the west, extending WNW along an orientation of 70 degrees west of grid north. At that point, the ditch ended abruptly at approximately grid line 413E, with no evident turn either toward the north or the south. Excavations and shovel testing to the west, north and south of the ditch terminus indicated that the feature in fact consists only of this single 38 meter-long segment (Waters 1998:26). The ditch at this end was encountered at approximately 50 centimeters below the 1997 ground surface, at an elevation of 2.22 ambd. (1.94) Base: 2.80).The western end of the ditch had a wedge-shaped terminus, narrowing to approximately two meters in width over its westernmost 80 centimeters. East of this point, the ditch was four meters wide and 70 centimeters deep.
Table 7 shows the contents of the ditch feature’s fill (dating its abandonment). The latest dating items, and the only ones that date to the seventeenth or eighteenth centuries, are a sherd of English Delftware (from Area 4, Level 1) and a kaolin pipebowl fragment (Feature 4, level 3). The
55
pipe fragment was associated with the excavation of a modern (ca. 1976) auger test that intruded into the feature, and was thought to be the result of this later disturbance (Cusick 1993:25). Figure 20. Locations of major features excavated at 8SJ34, 1985-2009
56
Key: Provenience Soil description
A Topsoil/Z1 L1 Removed
B Z1L2 and F4 top 10YR 3/2 with broken and whole oyster shell C F4 fill 10YR 3/3 with broken shell and shell flecking D F4 fill 10YR 3/3 with charcoal and shell flecking G Erosional zone , base of F4 10YR 4/4 with very light shell flecking I Tan-gold sterile sand 10YR 6/6
X Trench for sprinkler pipe
Y 1976 Auger test (10YR 7.5, 3.2)
Z 1938 Excavation unit Tan, black, gold striated fill
Figure 21. Cross section of the Feature 4 moat/ditch (Cusick 1993)
Other than the Delftware from Level 1, all of the European ceramics found in the ditch feature have lifespans (periods of production) dating from the mid-sixteenth to the early seventeenth
57
century. Native American ceramics suggest a late or early seventeenth date for the ditch filling, both in the proportions of San Marcos to the local St. Johns pottery (see Deagan 2009b) and the presence of Mission Red Filmed and Jefferson Ware ceramics, which are both thought to date to the early seventeenth century in St. Augustine (Waters 2009; Worth 2009). Given these data, it appears likely that the ditch/moat feature was abandoned and filled by the early years of the seventeenth century, and could have been constructed any time between 1565 and then.
TABLE 7 8SJ34 Nombre de Dios Mission-La Leche Shrine Site
Excavated materials from the Ditch/Moat Feature
Unit
287
/442
286/
440
281/
436
281/
436
277/
411
277/
411
277/
411
277/
411
277
/419
Provenience
Z3
A4
L1
F4
A5
L1
F22B
F22
F22N
A2
L1
A3
L1
Total
Prop.
TOT
European Tradition Ceramics
Columbia Plain
1
1
Seville B/B
1
9
1
1
12
Seville White
2
2
Unidentified
Morisco Ware
1
1
Unidentified
B/B Majolica
2
2
Unidentified
Majolica
2
2
Subtotal
Majolica
20
0.02
Olive Jar,
Middle Style
6
1
6
1
14
Glazed Olive
Jar
5
5
Redware
2
2
Unglazed
Coarse
Earthenware
1
9
3
4
17
Subtotal
Earthenware
38
0.03
Delftware,
Plain
2
2
Chinese
Porcelain
1
1
Subtot. Non
Spanish
3
3
0.00
Indigenous
Ceramics
Deptford
1
1
Orange Fiber
Tempered
Plain
2
2
58
TABLE 7 8SJ34 Nombre de Dios Mission-La Leche Shrine Site
Excavated materials from the Ditch/Moat Feature
Unit
287
/442
286/
440
281/
436
281/
436
277/
411
277/
411
277/
411
277/
411
277
/419
Provenience
Z3
A4
L1
F4
A5
L1
F22B
F22
F22N
A2
L1
A3
L1
Total
Prop.
TOT
St. Johns Plain
6
172
2
8
12
3
1
16
220
St. Johns
Check Stamped
46
3
212
11
8
13
3
296
Subtotal St.
Johns
516
0.43
San Marcos/
Altamaha Plain
9
4
47
3
15
11
10
1
2
102
San Marcos/
Altamaha
Stamped
10
102
5
10
15
16
13
171
San Marcos/
Altamaha
Incised
1
7
10
Subtotal San
Marcos
283
0.23
San Pedro
Grog
Tempered
Plain
2
11
1
4
2
1
21
San Pedro
Grog
Tempered
Stamped
2
2
Subtotal San
Pedro:
24
0.02
Jefferson Ware Stamped
1
1
2
Lamar-like
Incised
1
2
3
Mission Red
Filmed
1
1
Colonoware
1
1
Subtotal "Mission wares"
7
0.01
Unclassified Indigenous Ceramics
Sand Tempered Plain
29
1
10
5
12
2
3
62
Sand Tempered Stamped
2
3
4
9
Sand Tempered Red Filmed
1
1
Grog/Sand
tempered Plain
2
2
Grog/Sand
tempered
Stamped
1
3
1
5
Grit Tempered Plain
6
10
6
1
23
Grit Tempered Stamped
17
2
6
25
59
TABLE 7 8SJ34 Nombre de Dios Mission-La Leche Shrine Site
Excavated materials from the Ditch/Moat Feature
Unit
287
/442
286/
440
281/
436
281/
436
277/
411
277/
411
277/
411
277/
411
277
/419
Provenience
Z3
A4
L1
F4
A5
L1
F22B
F22
F22N
A2
L1
A3
L1
Total
Prop.
TOT
Grit/Sand
Tempered
Plain
26
26
Eroded
Decorated
17
17
Subtotal Unclassified
Indigenous Ceramics
0.13
SUBTOTAL INDIGENOUS
CERAMICS
0.81
Non Ceramic Materials
Shell Tool
6
6
Bead. Bone
1
1
3
Clear Glass
1
1
Unidentified
Nail Frag.
1
1
Wrought Nail
2
1
1
4
Wrought Spike
1
1
2
Musketball
1
1
Lead Shot
1
1
Bead, Ceramic
1
1
Bead, Chevron Bead
1
1
Bead, Glass
1
1
Copper Star
1
1
Kaolin
Pipebowl
1
1
Corroded Iron Object
1
2
2
5
Iron Fragment
5
5
13
2
25
Subtotal Non
Ceramic
16
6
20
3
4
3
1
53
0.05
TOTAL
ARTIFACTS
221
24
674
24
72
90
45
13
44
1207
Indigenous
ceramics< 1
cm.
8
32
32
5
16
Weighed
Substances
287/442
286/440
281/436
281/436
277/411
277/411
277/411
(in grams)
Z3,
287N
A4L1
620
F4
A5L1
533
F22B
F22
F22N
A2L1
A3
A2L4
Construction
Brick
0.8
"Cement"
10.1
Coquina
6.5
45
197.8
121.9
401.6
117
Mortared
Coquina
260
60
TABLE 7 8SJ34 Nombre de Dios Mission-La Leche Shrine Site
Excavated materials from the Ditch/Moat Feature
Unit
287
/442
286/
440
281/
436
281/
436
277/
411
277/
411
277/
411
277/
411
277
/419
Provenience
Z3
A4
L1
F4
A5
L1
F22B
F22
F22N
A2
L1
A3
L1
Total
Prop.
TOT
Daub
7.4
5.4
20
Mortared
Coquina
5.1
7.8
20.9
89.6
250
15.9
Tabby
30
Subsistence
Faunal bone
90.5
15.7
63.1
50.6
53.6
17.1
166.1
0.4
Marine Shell
124050
7540
23
42400
48750
30850
6950
58800
1650
Charcoal
5.7
0.2
48
28.1
43.2
14.4
14.8
0.2
Misc.
Unfired Clay
5
3
0.4
Concretion
57.3
73
1
11
Rock
3.5
Wall trenches associated with the ditch/moat
Although the dating of the ditch is fairly straightforward, determining its function is not. As discussed above, the 1997 excavations (Waters 1998) revealed that it consists of a single, straight segment of ditch, and apparently did not surround anything. Much effort has been devoted to determining what the ditch defended if, in fact, it was a defensive entrenchment. Evidence for narrow wall footing trenches with impressions of shallow posts in their bases were found along the north side of the ditch in 1985 (Unit 285N 438E, Feature 3, top (2.56 ambd); 1993 (Unit 286N 436.5E Feature 6, top 2.13 ambd ) and 1994 (Unit 286N440E, Area 3. top 2.57 ambd). The trenches were consistently shallow, measuring between 25 and 30 centimeters wide, and were between 20 and 25 centimeters deep. They did not become visibly evident until the overlying shell midden was removed.
The trenches initially suggested that there may have been a wood wall or palisade along the north side of the ditch, implying that the fort, or other focus of defense, was also to the north. However their orientation is different from that of the ditch itself. Rather than the NE-SW alignment of the ditch, the narrow trenches are oriented from east to west, and do not follow the
61
northern edge of the ditch. This may have been owing to hasty construction, or possibly to two separate construction periods for the moat and the wall trench segments.
Very little cultural material – artifacts, faunal bone or shell refuse- was present in the fill of these linear features (Table 8). This suggests that they were in use during a very early period of site occupation, prior to the major deposits. Other than a single fragment of clear glass recovered from Feature 23, only indigenous ceramics were found in the trenches.
8SJ34 Nombre de Dios-La Leche site
Table 8. Materials in wall trench features associated with the Moat/Ditch
West end of Moat
North side of Moat
277N
441E
277N
411E
277N
411E
286N
440E
287N
442E
286N
436E
A 4
A5L
F23
A3
F3
F6
Clear Glass
1
San Pedro Plain
1
2
St. Johns Incised
1
St. Johns Plain
2
6
1
2
1
St. Johns Stamped
1
4
2
1
17
San Marcos Chk.
Stamp.
1
San Marcos Plain
4
2
10
San Marcos Stamped
2
15
Subtotal
2
3
6
1
2
25
Unclassified Indigenous Wares
Grit Tempered Plain
2
Grog/Grit Tempered
1
Sand/Grit Tempered Plain
3
1
9
Sand Tempered
Decorated
2
1
6
Sand Tempered Plain
3
14
4
22
Unidentifiable
15
16
Subtotal Unclassified
5
15
18
5
34
All Artifacts
6
18
37
10
77
Indigenous sherds < 1 centimeters.
3
19
22
2
62
A series of north-south extending, narrow, linear trench segments was also uncovered immediately to the west of the ditch’s western terminus at the 412.5E grid line (Figure 23). oriented wooden wall sill trench. This was designated as Feature 23 (2.33 ambd) (Figure 23), and is interpreted as a north-south extending wall trench. The stains were about 25 centimeters wide and 20 to 25 centimeters deep, and were aligned north to south. The wall trench segments represented by Feature 23 continue for an unknown distance (but no farther than 10 meters) to the north. Excavations in 2001 revealed that the Feature 23 trench does not extend as far northward as the 292 north line, which is 11 meters north of the documented north end of the wall feature. Test units placed between these points were badly disturbed by modern graves, tree roots and irrigation pipes, and could not provide reliable evidence for the northern extension or terminus of the Feature 23 wall. The alignment of the Feature 23 wall trench does not conform to the NE-SW alignment of the moat/ditch itself. Like the trenches along the north side of the ditch, the Feature 23 wall is oriented along cardinal directions rather than the roughly 70 degrees west of north orientation of the ditch. This supports the possibility that the ditch and the wall trenches may have been constructed at different times.
63
Figure 23: Western terminus of Feature 4/21 moat or ditch. Top: plan view with associated features.(facing north). Bottom: Photo of moat end facing south
64
Other Wall Trenches
Waters’ excavations in 2001 (Unit 272N 412E) located a north-south extending linear feature to the south of the ditch on the same east line as Feature 23 (Figures 23-24).
Figure 24 Area 4 linear trench stains in cross section, Unit 272N 412E. Top: North profile, Bottom: South profile
This was designated as Area 4. Although it extended across the unit in two separate segments, it was thought to represent a southern extension of the Feature 23 wall trench. Area 4 also had a similar configuration to that of Feature 23. It was 25 centimeters wide, and about 25 centimeters
deep). It intruded through the lowest level of midden deposit, and contained only charcoal and faunal bone (Table 9). Both the stratigraphic position and fill contents indicate a prehistoric or very early historic deposition date. If the linear trenches in 272N 412E , in fact, associated with Feature
65
23, it would indicate a wall extending at least 14 meters north –south, at the western end of the ditch/moat.
Area 4 was discontinuous across the square, suggesting that if it were a trench associated with the Feature 23 wall, such a wall would also have been discontinuous. It is possible that only sections of wall were placed on sleeper sills, with fascines, earth or other impermanent construction between.
8SJ34 Nombre de Dios Mission and La Leche Shrine.
Table 9 Unit 272N 412E excavated materials
Z2
Area1
Area
2
Zone
3
Fea.
29
Area
3
Area
4
Area5
PM
3
PM
5
TOTAL
Top elevation
1.42
1.52
1.55
1.62
1.62
1.69
1.7
1.9
1.69
1.69
Puebla Blue on White Majolica
1
1
Olive Jar
3
3
Glazed Olive Jar
1
1
St. Johns Plain
11
8
5
2
22
48
St. Johns Check Stamped
7
1
1
9
San Marcos Plain
8
4
1
1
14
San Marcos Stamped
11
2
5
1
19
San Pedro Grog
Tempered
5
5
10
Mission Red Filmed
1
1
Grog/Grit Tempered
Plain
3
3
Grit/Shell Tempered
Plain
1
1
Sand and Grit Tempered Stamped
4
4
4
12
Sand and Grit Tempered Plain
14
3
1
1
19
Sand Tempered Stamped
3
1
4
Sand Tempered Plain
6
4
1
11
Shell Tool
1
Indeterminate Iron Nail Fragment
1
1
Total Artifacts
69
29
29
4
25
1
1
158
Weighed Substances (in grams)
Indigenous sherds < 1 cm.
100
63
30
6
10
Iron Fragment
0.3
1.2
0.5
Brick
15.8
Coquina
41
0.7
16.5
Mortar
6.7
2.1
66
8SJ34 Nombre de Dios Mission and La Leche Shrine.
Table 9 Unit 272N 412E excavated materials
Z2
Area1
Area
2
Zone
3
Fea.
29
Area
3
Area
4
Area5
PM
3
PM
5
TOTAL
Faunal Bone
19.9
52.4
34
13.2
91
5.4
13.6
Charcoal
3.4
9.3
1.7
78.1
4.8
2.2
59.6
Rock
26.3
Marine shell
35700
33150
11650
2575
36300
1100
5847
25
The 2001 excavations carried out by Waters also included a 12-meter long east-west oriented test trench, extending from 412E to 424E to the north of the moat/ditch feature (Figure 25). The trench was one meter north to south, extending across the unit from 292N to 293N. Five shallow, parallel linear stain features were located in the trench, all appearing at approximately 2.20 – 2.24 ambd, at the base of the Zone 2 midden deposit, and intruding into sterile soil. Their shapes and locations suggest that they were construction-related, possibly log sill sleepers to support a wall or earthwork.
Like the other linear wall trenches located at the site, these were also oriented directly north to south. They were distinguished by their soil fill, which was a medium to light brown sandy loam with a small amount of crushed shell. They were spaced somewhat irregularly, With the distance between their centers (west to east) at 2.2; 2.8; 2.4and 2.8 meters. These linear features varied in depth from 20 to 30 centimeters, and also varied in width from 30 to 50 centimeters. Only one of these (Area 3 in Section 4) showed evidence for a post in its base.
Although this series of parallel trenches shared a similar orientation and physical configuration with Feature 23, none of them lined up directly with that feature, or appeared to represent an extension of the Feature 23 wall trench. They appear to be remnants of a different but possibly related construction.
67
Figure 25 Linear stains/wall sleepers in Trench 292N 408E Top: Plan view.
Bottom: North profile, 292N 441-417E
All of the features in the 2001 excavation trench at 292N 408E appeared beneath the Zone 2 shell midden, and had soil fill distinct from that of the Zone. As in other parts of the site, the Zone 2 midden deposit dates to the seventeenth century Nombre de Dios occupation. The presumed wall trenches contain exclusively Native American materials, except for a single fragment of lead found in the Area 2, Section 3 Trench (Table 10). Other features in the excavation trench include two remnants of what may be living surfaces (Feature 26 and Feature 30) a pit-shaped feature (Feature 28) and numerous postmolds.
This area of the site is notable for the marked paucity of artifacts and other remains (Table 10). Only 411 artifacts were recovered from these 12 square meters of excavation, which a much lower
68
density than that found in other parts of the site. Fifty-one percent of the artifacts from the excavation trench were recovered from Zone 2, and 97% of the artifacts were of indigenous production.
The function of these linear features is, so far, not evident. Although they are similar to sleeper sills found at the Fountain of Youth Park site (8SJ31) and other sites in St. Augustine, the paired parallel arrangement doesn’t represent any so-far known architectural patterns. It is possible that they may have been related to the construction of defensive elements, such as earth and fascine revetments or barriers. Their relationship to the moat/ditch, however, is unclear. As discussed above, all of the linear trench features at the site (presumed to be non-permanent wall trenches or sleeper sill stains) share the north-south orientation of Feature 23 (the presumed wall trench at the moat’s western terminus). The linear stains are not aligned to the moat/ditch feature, which is oriented at an angle of 70 degree west of north. The two sets of alignments are normally considered to be an indication of different construction periods. The absence of European materials in the linear features’ fill, and the fact that they were obviously abandoned and filled in before the midden soil was deposited, raises the possibility that these could be of pre-Menéndez, Timucuan origin, or a very early Spanish construction.
Potential Structure
A more promising series of features related to possible European building construction was uncovered during the 1997 excavations (Waters 1998). These features were the focus of excavations carried out in 2009 and in 2011, and the combined results of those investigations are discussed here.
A series of posts and wall trenches were concentrated in units 264.5N/423E; 268N/422E and 269.5N/419E, forming what appears to have been the northeast corner of a structure (Figure 27). Three very large (approximately 1.0 to 1.3 meters in diameter), north-south aligned postholes were
69
designated as Feature 19 North, Feature 19 South and Feature 25. The posthole centers were approximately 2.8 meters apart. Two additional large posts extended to the west in unit 261.5N 4219E, and these were designated as Area 9/10 and Area 8, and were 2 meters apart. The top elevations of these features ranged between 2.05 ambd to 2.08 ambd, indicating the grade surface at the time they were deposited (Table 10).
The north to south line of postmolds were connected by a narrow wall trench (Feature 19 Wall Trench). The wall trench was apparently formed by a log sill, since no postmolds were associated with it, and it was somewhat irregular in orientation. Its width varied from 25 to 30 centimeters, and its depth was variable across the base, ranging from 17 to 27 centimeters. The trench appeared to connect Features 19 North and 19 South at their centers, however it passed to the west side of Feature 25. It was not clearly contiguous, but rather resolved into separate segments near its base, which was itself variable in elevation across the feature (Figure 27).
70
TABLE 10 Trench 292N 408E (2001)
Materials excavated in Trench 292N 408E (2001)
Provenience
Z2L
1
Z2L
2
Z3L
1
Z3L
2
A1 S2
A2S3
A3
S1
A3S
4
F26/
27
A1/
A6
S1
F2
8
F3
0
PM1
S2
PM2
S2
PM
3 S2
PM3
S4
P
M
7S
2
A5
S1
PM5
S1
PM5
S3
PP
M6
TO
T.
Function
Trench
Trench
Trench
Trench
Surface
Pit?/
Pit
Surface
Post
Post
Post
Post
Post
Post
Post
Post
Post
Top m.b.d.
1.67
1.77
1.85
1.94
1.85
1.87
1.85
1.9
1.75
1.8
1.
83
1.
85
1.82
1.83
1.82
1.83
1.8
8
1.86
1.97
1.98
2.14
Top a.m.b.d.
1.96
2.06
2.14
2.23
2.14
2.16
2.14
2.19
2.04
2.09
2.
12
2.14
2.11
2.12
2.11
2.12
2.17
2.15
2.26
2.27
2.43
Seventeenth Century European-tradition
Ceramics
Puebla Blue On White
1
1
Puebla Polychrome
1
1
Uid Tin Enamel
1
1
Uid Mexico City
Majolica
1
1
2
Olive Jar
3
1
1
5
Olive Jar Glazed
1
1
2
Uid Coarse Earthenware
1
1
Subtotal seventeenth
Century Ceramics
8
2
3
13
Asian Porcelain
1
1
English Ceramics
Creamware
1
1
Delftware
1
1
Finger Painted Pearlware
Shell Edged Pearlware
1
1
Subtotal English
Ceramics
3
3
Subtotal All Non indigenous Ceramics
11
3
3
17
Indigenous Ceramics
Orange Fiber Tempered Plain
1
1
St. Johns Plain
7
5
2
1
2
1
4
4
1
1
1
29
St. Johns Stamped
5
3
3
1
2
1
3
3
1
1
23
Subtotal St. Johns
12
8
5
2
2
3
1
7
7
1
1
1
1
1
52
71
San Pedro Plain
7
3
2
3
1
16
San Pedro Decorated
2
1
3
Subtotal San Pedro
9
4
2
3
1
19
San Marcos Plain
5
4
1
2
1
2
1
1
17
San Marcos Stamped
4
4
2
1
1
1
1
1
15
Subtotal San Marcos
9
8
3
3
1
1
2
2
1
1
1
32
Mission Red Filmed
1
1
Unclassified Sand/Grit Tempered Plain
4
3
2
1
2
1
2
0
1
16
Unclassified Sand/Grit Tempered Decorated
3
2
2
1
1
1
1
11
Unclassified Grit/Shell Tempered Plain
1
1
Unclassified Grog/Grit Tempered Decorated
1
1
Unclassified Grog/Grit Tempered Plain
1
1
2
Unclassified Sand
Tempered Decorated
7
5
2
3
1
2
1
1
1
23
Unclassified Sand Tempered Plain
8
6
6
4
3
1
3
1
2
1
1
1
37
Subtotal Unclassified
23
16
12
10
5
3
8
4
4
1
2
2
1
91
All Indigenous
Ceramics
107
72
40
4
34
16
4
6
38
14
26
4
6
4
2
2
5
2
2
2
390
Nonceramic Artifacts
Light Green Glass
1
1
Unidentified Glass
2
1
3
Cornaline D'Aleppo Bead
1
1
Spanish Coin
1
1
Lead Shot
1
1
Wrought Spike
1
1
Uid Nail
3
1
1
5
Iron Fragment
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
1
Lead Fragment
1
1
Red Brick
1
1
Shell Tool
3
3
Chert Debitage
1
1
2
Subtotal Non-Ceramic Artifacts
12
4
1
0
1
1
1
1
0
22
TOTAL ARTIFACTS
130
79
41
4
35
16
4
6
39
15
30
4
6
4
2
2
5
2
2
2
411
72








