Various letters

No. 2. My present news compels me to send Pedro de Alcantara in his schooner and to beg for Your Excellency's protection, so that, acquainted with the case, and with our present necessities as doubtless reported to Your Excellency by Don Manuel de Justis, you may be pleased to take the necessary steps to put this position in a state of defense against the intentions of the English to seize it with its provinces. An offer to this end has been made to the King of Great Britain in his Parliament by Milord Ogletor, a member of the same. He declared from his seat that this place, with Apalachee and its provinces would be more useful to Great Britain than all its remaining Colonies and Islands in America. For in possession of them, he would guarantee that no ship of ours could pass through the channel* and that consequently we could not enjoy the treasures produced by the Kingdoms of Peru and New Spain without his consent. This offer having been favorably received, he was made Commander in Chief of all the Colonies, of the Island of Jamaica and others, and lord of land and sea, receiving at the same time 125** [thousand] dollars for fortifications, and also 480 regular troops for the campaign against these Provinces. And although Parliament opposed any invasion during the peace, yet on combining the news in question with that just brought me (for these matters are known also in Apalachee) by the Cacique Sacafaca of the town of Chalacarliche, it is evident we should not overlook what the English have done at other times. The Cacique who comes expressly and voluntarily from these distant provinces, warns me that the Indians attached to the English were descending in small bodies to annoy those regions, and that the Caciques were ordered by the English to assemble so as to treat of various matters. We must today, therefore, distrust their efforts, intensified as they are by the pride of Milord Ogletor, who finds himself supported by the peers of the Kingdom for the sole purpose of acquiring glory in these conquests. It is not to be doubted that he will act with the greatest firmness by sea and land; and unfortunately for us, his slightest effort will be successful, for we have not here the means to resist a moderate force. Our case is much worse at sea; for, by holding the mouth of the inlet with one or two frigates, our communications are completely cut on this side, and our supplies stopped. They will succeed in their plan, a fact of which they are well aware, as they are also of the deplorable condition of this place, seeing it has so few troops for its defense. I hope, therefore, that Your Excellency will heed these reasons and also the fact that' the preservation of this post is of the greatest importance to the security of all America, and so be pleased to take the promptest measures, which I leave to the discretion and judgment of Your Excellency. Your Excellency's knowledge of the profession, acquired by long and distinguished service, will enable you to realize what is needed here, being, without further detail, everything. For Your Excellency must know that this castle*, the only defense here, has no bombproofs for the protection of the garrison, that the counterscarp is too low, that there is no covered way, that the curtains are without demi-lunes, that there are no other exterior works to give them time for a long defense; but that we are as bare outside as we are without life inside, for there are no guns that could last 24 hours, and if there were, we have no artillerymen to serve them. I have ordered 4,000** stakes to be cut for the construction of the covered way, with the full knowledge that the work will be imperfect by reason of the low height of the counterscarp; but as raising it would be a long and costly task involving much earth work, I shall apply myself to such repairs as are immediately practicable and of least cost. For I have no other funds than the small quantity of silver bullion turned over to Don Francisco del Moral, and although I might wish to run the wall from the castle to the Cubo***, and raise here a bulwark to meet the attack they might direct from this point against the castle, yet I cannot do everything, partly from lack of means and partly from lack of workmen, convicts and slaves to do the work. If Your Excellency should resolve, as is my hope, to send troops, workmen, some money, slaves or exiles, and an Engineer to direct operations, let them also bring a sufficiency of supplies, for while there is no doubt the English will cut off our bread upon noticing anything unusual, there is just as little doubt that the plans and pride of Milord Ogletor will come to naught, and that if we have time to prepare for defense, we shall rob him of all hope. The two spies agree on the news herewith, and recommend strongly that we should not neglect our preparations for Milord Ogletor was expected at the latest all through October, and his boldness would trample on all obstacles. This is all I have to bring to the knowledge of Your Excellency whom I shall always faithfully serve, desiring that our Lord may preserve Your Excellency many happy years. Florida, November 11, 1737.Your Excellency's most faithful affectionate servant,Don Manuel de Montiano for Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas. Two spies took the letter to Havana aboard Pedro de Alcantara’s schooner.* Montiano received Guemes’s response later that month.* In it, Guemes said Montiano was way off about James Oglethorpe.* Guemes had immediately doubted Montiano’s claims, and sought explanations from English people he knew.* His English sources assured him that their king did not give Oglethorpe command of their American colonies.* In fact, there were only a few members of Parliament who even supported Oglethorpe.* Moreover, Guemes did not believe that King George had authorized settlement of “New Georgia,” as that would be a blatant violation of the standing peace treaty of 1670.* To add insult to injury, Guemes treated the rest of Montiano’s letter as if it was all conjecture.* Montiano was floored. Guemes acted like Montiano was dreaming. But the fact remained. English were building homes, plantations, and forts on Spanish land.* And they kept getting closer.* And they apparently didn’t care about their king’s authority.* And their king apparently didn’t care about his subjects violating an international treaty.* These people were exhibiting a kind of lawless that had already included violence in the 1702 attack on St. Augustine, and in the violence among Indians they were promoting. The fact also remained that Montiano’s job was to protect La Florida, mainly by advising Guemes on what was needed to protect it.* All Montiano could do was make sure he told Guemes everything, then let Guemes take the blame for not heeding obvious warnings.* Nevertheless, Guemes apparently took a little action in response to Montiano’s fears. He suggested transferring the company of grenadiers somewhere.* Perhaps to Apalache? Guemes also sent a note about news he had received from a harbor pilot, and suggested Montiano use that note as a pretext to send a “messenger” to spy on the Georgians.*

November 11 - Mont. writes to Guemes explaining Oglethorpe’s strategy of seizing Spanish treasure route, describes the inadequate conditions in S.A., and begs for people, munitions and food. November 11, 1737 Sir The news which I dispatched by Pedro de Alcantarain • his schooner to apply for your assistance, • and to inform you how much is required here, which no doubt Don Manuel de Justis has told to you; • you will please to grant what is necessary to put this place in a state of defense against the premeditated intentions of the English to make themselves masters of it and its Provinces, • which to the king of Great Britain has been submitted in his Parliament by My lord Ogletor, (Oglethorpe?) a member of the same, • who impressed on it how more useful and convenient would be to Great Britain this place, Apalache and its Provinces, than the other Colonies and Islands which she holds in America. • Once secured in its possession, not one of our vessels could pass through the Channel, • and consequently we could not export the treasures rendered by Peru and New Spain without their consent; • and having heard with approval this proposition they gave him the general command of all the Colonies, Islands of Jamaica, and the others they possess in America, both of the sea and the land, • appropriating $125,000 for fortifications, and 480 regular soldiers to operate against these Provinces. • And although the Parliament was opposed to making any irruption during the Peace they agreed to these reports, which have reached me; • likewise in Apalache the Cacique Sacafaca of the Pueblo Chalacarliche, who came expressly and voluntarily from those remote Provinces to warn us • that the Indians friendly to the English will descend in small bodies to harass these coasts, • and that the Caciques have been ordered by the English to unite and hold council on different subjects. • It is left to you what to infer, • nor should we lose sight of what they have at other times attempted, and now to accomplish they would strive with greater power to accomplish • on account of the pride of lord Ogletor(Oglethorpe?) who is entrusted with the defense of the Kingdom, • and had the sole view to acquire glory in these conquests, • it is not to be doubted that he will make the greatest efforts by sea and by land; • and to our disgrace, with the least he could employ, he will effect his object; for here we have nothing with which we could resist a moderate force, • and the entrance to the bar occupied by one or two frigates, they would cut off all communications from this place • and deprive us of the provisions on which we depend for subsistence; • they would likewise pursue their plans, not ignorant of the deplorable condition of this place, nor of the few troops it possesses to oppose them, • for which I hope that having submitted these reasons to you, • and seeing that the preservation of this place is of the greatest importance for the preservation of the whole of America(Spanish?) • you will favor me by giving the most prompt succor which I leave to the discretion and will of yourself, • who with the professional intelligence acquired by large and signal services will discern what is required here. • Without explaining it, it is sufficient to inform you that this Castle, (a single defense) • is without bomb-proof vaults to protect the people, • nor the elevation requisite for the counter-scarp, • nor a covered entrance, • nor ravelins in the curtains, • nor other outer works that could make a long defense; • but it is so denuded that it has no means (soul) within, • for it has no cannon that can fire for 24 hours, • and if it had any there are no artillery-men to manage them. I have ordered 4,000 stakes to be cut for the purpose of forming a covered causeway, • although I know it will be an imperfect work, from not having a corresponding elevation with the contra-scarpa; • but as it will be an expensive & laborious work to make it conform with the latter, on account of the quantity of earth required, • I will apply myself to make those repairs most easily and least expensively done, • for I do not hold more funds than the small quantity of silver taken from Don Francisco del Moral, • and besides I wish to run the wall to the Castle of Cubo • and elevate there a Baluarte; • for it would now invite an attack which could take from that quarter the Castle; • I have found it impossible to do all, as much from want of means as from the absence of workmen, galley-slaves and negro slaves who could assist. • When you resolve, which I hope, to send a body of operatives, some money, slaves or convicts, and engineer to direct the necessary works, • arrange it that they bring a sufficient supply of food, • because there is no doubt that the English will close the port against [unclear: flour] with whatever news that may arrive; • neither will this satisfy the pride and expectations of my lord Ogletor, (Oglethorpe) • but give us time to make repairs and we could deprive him of all hope. The two confidential messengers agree in this news & recommend strongly not to neglect preparations, • for we must expect my lord Ogletor in all October, and that his intrepidity hurries him everywhere. Don Manuel de Montiano. To Senor Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas [added: x Channel. Sp. [Spanish] Canal. name given to the passage between the West Indies and the Florida coast, through which all vessels from New Spain passed on their voyage home - the westerly currents & trades rendering the route south of the islands long and tedious. Called sometimes Bahama Channel.]

Shortly after Don Juan Jacinto Rodriguez returned with hearsay from Georgia, Matheo Rodriguez prepared to sail his schooner from St. Augustine to Havana.* It was a chance to get a letter to Guemes. Montiano sat down and wrote as much as he could to update the captain-general.* Sir: In answer to Your Excellency's letter of November 24, inclosing a note, in which the transfer of the company of grenadiers is regarded as proper, and directing me to employ the news brought by the pilot as a pretext for sending (him) with it to Frederico or New Georgia, in order to make sure I have the honor to make the following statement: On January 18 I sent the adjutant Don Juan Jacinto Rodriguez with Your Excellency's letter, under the pretext of complaining to the commanding officers of those colonies, that Indians of their allegiance had murdered the Cacique Pujoy and the people with him. I further demanded the return of the Cacique's wife and of fourteen other persons, men and women, taken prisoners, a barbarous violation of good relations, and the punishment of the authors of this infraction, etc. Having arrived at Gualquini, a plantation of Don Guillermo Horton, Esquire, Governor of Frederico, Rodriguez gave him my letter, but was refused permission to proceed in order to deliver the remaining letters to Don Thomas Hauston, Esquire, Governor-in-chief of the entire province of San Jorge, and to Don Diego Gasgoine, Captain of the Manual* (man-of-war). In spite of all his efforts, permission to proceed was still refused, with the statement that within 21 days answers would be sent to San Juan; and as he could not delay so long without exciting suspicion, and now felt sure that he would not be allowed to continue his journey, as on former occasions, he decided to return, having verified to the best of his ability, the fact that no new fortification had been added to those he had seen the year before. He noticed, too, that according to appearances, they were living without care, or else making a show of it. While with Don Guillermo, he was told of the departure about five months ago from Holland of six ships of 50 or 60 guns to capture the coast guard vessel of Habana, because of the latter's seizure of a ship of great importance (muy interesado) and that likewise, a ship of unspecified nationality had sailed from Cadiz, with orders from the King that Your Excellency and Don Antonio de Benavides should meet to decide whether the prize was good. He also learned that three frigates had arrived with 350 laborers to work in the fields, and noticed that the Manual (man-ofwar) was not in its usual moorings, and upon asking why was told that she was careened in Savana. He adds that he was informed that the schooner of Devis was loading at Puerto Real for a journey to this point, and as the distance is only forty leagues, Your Excellency's long delay discourages me. That is why I renew my prayer to Your Excellency to deign to send as early as possible a vessel loaded with corn to keep us from perishing. This is all that I have by way of news for Your Excellency to whom I am always obedient, ever praying, etc. Florida, February 3, 1738. Montiano was still writing when Matheo had to leave to ride the tide through the shallow inlet. * Matheo waited long enough for Montiano to add a plea for corn, then sign and seal the letter.* I beg you will do me the favor to send by the earliest opportunity a cargo of corn to save us from perishing; these being all the news that I have to offer. Don Manuel de Montiano to Senor Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy February 3rd 1738 Sir With respect to your letter of the 24th November and the note which it enclosed • relating to what was necessary to prosecute the plan of changing the company of Grenadiers, • and which furnished me with the news of the Pilot, good reason for sending them to Frederico or New Georgia to secure them, • I ought to satisfy you by informing you that on the 18th. January I sent a dispatch to the Adjutant Don Juan Jacinto Rodriguez • remitting your letter with the pretext of complaining to the commanders of those colonies • that the Indians friendly to them had murdered the Cacique Pujoy and those who were with him, taking prisoner his wife and 14 persons men & women, • violating by this barbarous proceeding the good understanding between us, etc. • that I requested them to return the prisoners and punish the transgressors of this trespass, etc. • and having arrived at Gualquini, where is the plantation of William Horton Esq. the commander of Frederica he delivered my letter, • and he did not permit him to pass farther to deliver the others to Thomas Hauston Esq. chief commander of the whole Province of St George, and to James Gascoign captain of the Man-of-war, • and although he made several requests to let him proceed he could not go farther; • that within the 21 days he sent his answer to San Juan and not being able to stop so long without his detention being suspected, • he declared that he believed they would not permit him to pass as he had done on other occasions and he determined to return; • having observed, as far as he was able, that they had no other fortifications than those he had seen last year, • and that they appeared to be living carelessly or pretended to do so; • that when he was at William Horton's he told him that he knew that five months since 6 ships of 50 and 60 cannons had left Holland to capture the Revenue cutters (Guarda Costas) of Havana • and to intercept these a vigilant vessel, and that likewise he knows that a vessel went out of Cadiz without a national flag • with an order of the king that you and Don Antonio de Benavides should hold council to decide if it would be a fair prize: • I learned likewise that three frigates had arrived with 350 operatives to cultivate the country; • I observed that the Man-of-war was not in the place • and enquiring they replied that she had gone to Savannah to careen, • and added that the Schooner of Devis(Davis?) was loading in Port Royal to come here, • and being only forty leagues distant I felt distrustful of a long delay that I might report to you. • I beg you will do me the favor to send by the earliest opportunity a cargo of corn to save us from perishing; • these being all the news that I have to offer. Don Manuel de Montiano. To Senor Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy February 4, 1738 Sir, I answer your letter of the 24th November • in which you tell me in general terms that the news I give you does not appear to correspond, so far as relates to Mr. James Oglethor comparing his character as Commander general, with the others communicated to you, • and that there appears to be some mistake, in which doubts you are confirmed; this the English have explained, • that there were several individuals of the Parliament, and not the king, who supported Mr. James Oglethorpe, • and as he may desire that these fraudulent usurpations of foreign dominions which have not been appropriated should be very clearly conceded to the king of Great Britain • he has taken them in his name which would be a notorious infraction, • and experience proves that notwithstanding our injunctions they hold fast tenaciously to as much as they can, if procured by finesse, fraud or force, • and that their monarch does not prevent it though bound by the treaty of peace of the year 1670 in which they sought to define the limits of the two crowns; • I am persuaded that they will ever find occasions to acquire by force of arms that which they cannot by precaution, trade and industry, which until now they have employed; • for which purpose I communicate to you what our confidential messengers brought; • how shall I act so as that at no time I shall be culpable of any omission to place this post in a state of defense, should the king in the meantime give me charge of it; • foreseeing interests me and you to place a proper value on it; • foreseeing it I inform you of what must occur and I will endeavor to take advantage of all occasions that offer to advise you of everything as soon as possible; • and if I should have had other vessels than the one of Ojeda, and I do not expect more than that of Davis which I look for, I could not have acknowledged the receipt of the news of Pujoy, • and Matheo Rodriguez being about to leave this place I sent it by him, begging the favor of a vessel of corn, for if this people give up as it possible, we must retreat. Don Manuel de Montiano to Senor Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas.

Sir: I answer Your Excellency's letter of the 24 of November, in which Your Excellency elaborately disputes the news I gave you that Don Diego Ogletor had been appointed General-in-chief. Your Excellency treats the remainder of my news in the same fashion, alleging that there may be a blunder, and that your doubts are confirmed by English explanations to the effect that Don Diego Ogletor's supporters were, not the King, but a few members of Parliament, and that any way it has never been established that the King had ever authorized the fraudulent usurpations of foreign dominions now condoned, as this would have been a notorious infraction. But with the fact before me that in spite of the expostulations of ours (i.e. our King) they hold their ground, skillfully seeking every opportunity to advance and to seize whatever they can without let from their King, who should have interfered in accordance with the treaty of peace of 1670 delimiting the boundaries of both crowns, I am compelled to believe that whenever the occasion offers, they will seize by force of arms what they have been unable to get by the craft, skill and persistence so far employed by them. It is for these reasons that I have communicated to Your Excellency the news of our spies, it being my plain duty so to do, that no one may at any time charge me with the omission. It is also my duty to strive to protect this position, as long as the King shall entrust it to me. This is my part: it is your Excellency's to interpret them (news, events) as you may see fit. I shall ever be ready to inform Your Excellency of all fresh events, and try to use all opportunities to send news as rapidly as possible. And as I should have had (no) boat other than Ojeda's, and it could not be expected that Devis's, which I am awaiting, would go any farther and as I should give Your Excellency the news of Pujoy, I make use of Matheo Rodriguez who starts at once, begging Your Excellency to send us some boat in good time loaded with corn, in case these people should fail us, as is to be feared. My obedience is always completely yours, etc. Florida, February 4, 1738.

Sir: The departure of Matheo Rodriguez's schooner from this point was followed on the 10th inst., by the arrival of a small boat from Puerto Real. An explorer who came in her reports that a ship from London to the Port of Carolina* brings the news of the death of the Queen of Great Britain on November 20 of last year. Further, that the Count de Montijo, our Ambassador to that (the English) court having set forth the indubitable right of the Spanish crown to all the colonies south of latitude 33 degrees 30 minutes, our own Sovereign asked that they be released without resistance, the despatch of troops to hold them constituting an act of hostility. The answer to this was an order to prepare 60 ships of the line to take station off Cadiz, and at the same time to send Don Diego Ogletor with 800 regulars, 500 from England, and 300 from the Gibraltar garrison under the orders of a colonel, the best Engineer of the kingdom, Oglethorpe to have the supreme command of both Carolinas, and to receive all necessary assistance. He was expected this month with two frigates, one of 40 guns, and already in anticipation ordered the purchase of great supplies, now being stored in Georgia at all hazards. The Count de Montijo accordingly withdrew to Madrid, and the resolution of the English to send troops made war certain. Further, both Carolinas are acquainted with the designs of Habana against those Colonies for the month of March, having obtained the news from an English frigate that left the said port in August and transmitted the news at sea to another frigate encountered on its way to Carolina. Here, he continues, fortifications are under construction, and six thousand Chalaque Indians have been ordered to assemble to go to Georgia: the citizens of Old Carolina do not relish the command of Ogletor on account of his boldness and arrogance, and because they fear an interruption of their business. He reports that 4,000 men are said to be coming from Spain and a few warships to be joined by the Windward fleet; further that the English are asking the Spaniards to return the prizes taken in America, and that in Europe an English ship was captured by the Spaniards, all its crew put to death, and the ship taken to Alicante ; that the Dutch have captured a ship of ours in American waters, with a few persons of distinction who were being held as hostages until the return of the captures made ; that the Germans and French were bound by the closest ties of friendship, and that the former and the Russians had taken from the Turks many places and provinces, killing many people with but little loss on the part of the allies. This is all that is reported by the spy, and it agrees with what Your Excellency has written to me. It is possible however that a visit to this place with this information is a ruse to cause us to suspend operations, if it is certain that he has, as he says, got hold of a plan without their knowledge, and I wonder that such piece of information as the withdrawal of our Ambassador should not have been communicated to these parts, upon which subject Your Excellency will know exactly what to say. Having no further news, and begging, etc.Florida, February 15, 1738. Montiano had just sealed the letter to Guemes when a cavalry soldier knocked on his office door.* The soldier had a letter for Montiano that had just arrived in an English piragua (canoe).* It was from the commanders of New Georgia.* The soldier relayed a bit of chit-chat he had with the sailors who had brought the letter.* They said Oglethorpe had arrived in Gualquini.* Considering the rumors of Oglethorpe’s preparations for war, they asked if St. Augustine’s sailors had seen any Spanish or English warships off the Florida coast.* They left after hearing there were no warships.* Montiano opened the letter from Georgia. Surely this was the official confirmation of English battle intentions. Just the opposite. The commanders claimed to be overwhelmed with grief about the death of Indian king Pujoy.* They promised to search for the murderers and punish them, and restore the prisoners if they find them.* They said they wanted to maintain the good relations and treaty that Oglethorpe made with ex-governor Moral.* What treaty had Moral made with them? Did he give them permission to settle there? They may not have known that Moral was now in prison for disregards for Spanish authority. The commanders also responded to Guemes’s note about the harbor pilot.* They said that only William Horten saw the pilot, and since Horten lives in Gualquini, they knew nothing of his answer.* They had neither seen nor heard from this pilot, and denied giving him permission to correspond with Guemes.* Montiano contemplated this strange mis-match in sentiments. Why would the commanders be asking for peace while their general was preparing for battle? Were they just trying to trick Montiano? The next day, he wrote this latest update to Guemes.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy February 15th 1738 Sir. Since the schooner of Matheo Rodriguez has left here, there arrived a small vessel on the 10th instant which sailed from Port Royal and an explorador who came in her says • that a vessel from London arrived at the Port of the Carolina • with the news that the Queen of Great Britain had died on the 20th November of the past year; • that our ambassador at that court, the Conde de Montijo, having represented to it the right which the crown of Spain held to the Colonies, which they certainly possess from 33 1/2 degrees down Southward, • that our sovereign had requested them to be given up without opposition, • and that the sending of any troops to keep them should be regarded as an act of war. • To this the answer was to order 60 ships of the line to be prepared to attack the port of Cadiz, • and at the same time to send Mr. James Oglethorpe 800 regular soldiers, 500 of which are from England, and 300 will be drawn from the garrison of Gibraltar, under the command of a Colonel the best engineer in the kingdom, • giving to Oglethorpe the general command of both Carolinas with orders to employ all necessary aids, • and that he may look for two frigates, one with 40 cannons. • In anticipation of these he has been ordered to buy a large quantity of provisions to be stored in Georgia at any cost. • That the Conde de Montijo had returned to the court of Madrid, • and that the English having resolved to send troops was not doubtful, but every one considered it certain. • That likewise they had news in both Carolinas of the designs of Havana against these Colonies in the month of March, • that they were overhauled by an English frigate that left Havana which had spoken one at sea from Carolina, • where he says they were fortified and had ordered to bring six thousand Chalaque Indians to go to Georgia: • that the inhabitants of old Carolina did not like the government of Ogletor on account of his temerity and pride, and for being the cause of the interruption of their commerce: • that four thousand men would come from Spain, and some vessels of war which had joined the armada of Barlovento: • that the English ask of the Spaniards the prizes made in America: • that in Europe the Spaniards had captured an English merchantman and killed all its crew and had carried it to Alicante: • that the Hollanders had captured one of our vessels on the coast of America with some persons of note and held them as hostages until they returned the prizes which they had made: • that the Germans & French maintained a strict peace, • and that the first and the Muscovites had captured many places & provinces from the Turks, killing a great number of them with little loss on their side. This is the sum of what the confidential messenger has imparted, • very similar to what you have written to me, • in which he may have had the cunning to bring these news to stop our operations, if it be a true saying "to penetrate a design is not to frustrate it," • and it surprises me that the news of the retirement of our ambassador had not reached these parts. Don Manuel de Montiano To Senor Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy February 16th 1738 Sir After having sealed the letter that was to be sent, by the bilander of Ojeda, an answer arrived from the commanders of New Georgia • and having read its contents they declare themselves overwhelmed with grief for having killed the king Pujoy; • that they would seek for the aggressors to punish them, and restore the prisoners if they find them; • that they desire to maintain the good intercourse and treaty which Genl. Oglethorpe made with Don Francisco del Moral: • in relation to your letter which mentions about the Pilot, as only William Horten saw him, and he resides in Gualquini they knew nothing of his answer, • and they declare that as they had neither seen him nor heard from him, they would persuade me, that they did not give him permission to correspond with you. The cavalry soldier who brought the letter says • that the sailors of the English periagua stated that Oglethorpe had arrived and that he was in Gualquini: • that they searched for Spanish and English vessels on the coast, but that there was none, and they left without giving further news. Don Manuel de Montiano. al Senor Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas.

Sir: Just as I was closing my despatches to send them in Ojeda's sloop, I received the answers of the commanding officers in New Georgia. They may be summed up as expressions of regret for the murder of King Pujoy and promises to capture and punish the aggressors, and to restore the prisoners if they can be found. They further express the desire to maintain good relations, as well as the treaties made by their General Oglethorpe with Don Francisco de Moral. In respect of Your Excellency's letter treating of the Pilot, which no one saw except Don Guillermo Horton, living at Gualquini, there is not a hint in his answer. The others say that as they have not seen it, they do not understand the matter; I am persuaded they have not failed to interchange sentiments on the subject. The trooper that brought the letters says that the crew of the English canoe report Oglethorpe as arrived, and as being in Gualquini ; that they asked if there were any Spanish or English ship on the coast, and on hearing there were none, returned without going any further. I have no more to report to Your Excellency, etc. Florida, February 16, 1738.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy April 25, 1738 Manuel writes a letter (is it missing?) which he refers to in his May 28th letter: “…and I have recommended to you in my letter of the 25th April that the 6 cannons of [unclear: Crugia], which the schooners carry, may be left here, they being necessary for the service of this place; their exportation would be most opportune nor shall [added: would] they be exposed to any risk.”

Manuel writes a letter (is it missing?) which he refers to in his May 28th letter: “…and I have recommended to you in my letter of the 25th April that the 6 cannons of [unclear: Crugia], which the schooners carry, may be left here, they being necessary for the service of this place; their exportation would be most opportune nor shall would] they be exposed to any risk.” In May, Montiano received a letter from Spain’s Minister of Marine, Marquis de Torre Nueva.* It reiterated and explained Guemes’s stall-out.* Perhaps the king was not ready to trigger an all-out war with England. Perhaps the Minister of Marine was simply not ready for it, since he was only covering that position temporarily and he was timid to begin with. Probably, the only people who were ready to fight were Guemes and Montiano. Both had spent their careers on the battlefield and in training for it. For them, it had proven to be a swift and effective way of handling disputes. And it was easy for both of them to consider it. Guemes wasn’t even in the fight, and Montiano had less to lose than the men under him who had families.* Although the shock-and-awe attack on Georgia was canceled, Montiano was still blessed with signs of support from his king and his superior, Guemes. On Tuesday, May 13th, he wrote to Guemes to confirm receipt of provisions and instructions. He couldn’t help but wail about how disappointed he was that the attack on Georgia was tabled.

Sir: In a letter of Feb. 22, and postscript of March 22, Your Excellency gave me notice of the departure of the small expedition. This, in spite of the length of the voyage, arrived safely with the exception of a canoe, recovered however, as I am informed in that port (Habana). In the aforesaid letter, Your Excellency gave me precise directions upon the course to be followed and precautions taken, to keep from the enemy any knowledge of our intended expedition to dislodge foreign intruders from the territory unlawfully held by them in these provinces. But as this plan has come to naught, by reason of His Majesty's latest resolution, nothing is left to me except to regret most deeply the frustration of these excellent measures and the absence of the results which I had reason to believe would accrue from so fine, strong and adequate an expeditionfor there is no doubt that the small one alone would have filled them with consternation and put them to flight. With regard to Don Antonio Diaz Villejas, subordinate of the principal agent Don Antonio de la Mora, and to Don Lorenzo Garcia, in charge of stores, I have done all in my power to secure the greatest economy in the distribution of rations, and in the care and preservation of stores, charging them especially to keep ever in mind the directions given them to the same end by Your Excellency. In respect of your instructions to send a post to Don Alonzo del Toro telling him to suspend his departure until the middle of April, the reasons therefor having come to an end, I merely told him to observe the directions given him by the Engineer Don Antonio de Arredondo in his letters (communicated to me). These seemed to me to be most proper. With these I sent the post, which he promptly received, preparing him for any emergency that might arise. This is all I have to report to Your Excellency on these matters, etc.Florida, 13 May, 1738. Pieces of Guemes’s grand plan kept trickling in to Montiano, both in provisions and stalled battle plans. The foreman for the Royal stores, Don Francisco de Leon Galera sent his agent with a load of clothes, shirts, hats, beads, and pipes.* Some of it was intended as payment to the Indians for their support of the colony.* Montiano separated out their portion and distributed the rest according to Guemes’s instructions for improvements to the defense system.* There was a crew of galley slaves in St. Augustine, and Montiano followed the town’s usual way of distributing rations to them.* Guemes wrote that he ordered Bishop Virrey to send 82 galley slaves to St. Augustine.* Only 81 arrived. Someone told Montiano that one slave had escaped from the prison Morro prior to their departure.*

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy May 13th 1738 Sir, In the letter of the 22nd February and postdated 22nd March • you inform me of the departure of the small armament, which although with a long voyage arrived safely with nothing unusual and is now secure in this Port. • By it you have sent one particular advice for the plans I should pursue, and precautions to be observed • to prevent the enemy learning of our premeditated expedition against the strangers settled in the territories of these Provinces in order to expel them; • but these hopes have vanished at the resolution which you have last adopted; • I cannot regard this without profound sorrow that these well arranged state of things should be frustrated, • and with them the happy results which promised to result from so much wisdom, firmness, and adequate means; • but I doubt not that this small armament will be sufficient to spread the greatest consternation among them and put them to flight. With respect to Don Antonio Diaz Villegas, a dependent of the chief minister Don Antonio de la Mora, and the keeper of provisions (sutler?) • I have arranged to give them every aid required so as the better to economize the rations, • to guard and preserve the provisions, charging them particularly to keep ever in view the advice that you gave them for the same object. • And according to your order to send a courier to Don Alonso de Toroto advise him to postpone his departure until the middle of April, • as the reasons no longer exist for his instant departure I have only added that in his commission he must use those precautions which the engineer Don Antonio de Arredondo has adopted, contained in his letters to me, and which appear to me very proper, with those sent by the courier who holds himself ready for any urgency that may occur. Don Manuel de Montiano To Senor Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy May 28th 1738 Sir In the two letters dated the 18th March you advise me • of the measures that have been taken to dislodge the strangers who have intruded on and settled in these Provinces, • and that the general command of the expedition has been conferred on Colonel Don Juan Baptista de Echeverria, in power of the orders with which you invested him, • in which you include that I received from the Marquis of Torrenueva under date of 8th May, on which subjects I cannot sufficiently impress on you the grief that this suspension has caused me, • for I believed that with the measures & means you had adopted the expulsion of the enemy would be certain, • for which glorious end besides the preparations which this Garrison had made in proportion to its smallness, • I would have assisted with all the zeal and pleasure corresponding to the desire I have to render the greatest service to the king, satisfaction to yourself and to redeem my obligations to my friend Don Juan Baptista de Echeverria. With the same motive to have frustrated this plan, • the instructions which the minister Don Antonio de la Mora sent to you for the employment of the ten thousand dollars have not been carried out, • and your having sent me six thousand to be employed for the sole purpose of fortifications, • I will arrange it with the engineer that he may carry out the directions weekly for the stores & expenses which will have to be made by my assistance, that by this plan the operations will be most open and correct; • I have to advise you that the convicts (galley slaves) alone have received their rations in the usual way always practiced in this Garrison, which is the same recommended to me, • likewise you inform me that you send 82 convicts of those forwarded by the Archbishop Virrey, • I ought to say that of these only one was wanting, who they informed me escaped from the Morro. • Likewise have been received the four cannons of 24 and 18, and the eight of 5 & 6, • and I have recommended to you in my letter of the 25th April • that the 6 cannons of [unclear: Crugia], which the schooners carry, may be left here, they being necessary for the service of this place; • their exportation would be most opportune nor shall [added: would] they be exposed to any risk; • I would beg the favor that their carriages may be sent, by which the expense of making new ones will be saved. • Likewise I would suggest, if Don Pedro Barranco brings four swivels of 3, two of 2, and 10 camaras, all of bronze, that, if you think it right, they be melted and made falconets which are more easily managed, and not to send the camaras made there, which are quite useless. Also, there were delivered from the Reales Almahacenes by the Master, substitute for Don Francisco de Leon Galera, • the cloths, shirts, hats, bugles and pipes which came in his cargo; • and having withdrawn from the property the pay of the Indians, I will employ the rest towards these works according to your orders, as may seem most proper to me. Don Manuel de Montiano To Senor Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas.

Sir: Your Excellency's two letters of the 18th of March give me the dispositions taken by you to oust the foreign intruders in these provinces, and tell me that the general command of the expedition has been given to Colonel Don Juan Bapta. de Echeverria according to orders furnished Your Excellency, among which I conjecture must be included those received by me on May 8 from the Marquis of Torrenueva. In respect of these matters, I am unable to express to Your Excellency my regret at this suspension, because I believe that the measures and rules adopted by Your Excellency would surely have led to the expulsion of the enemy. For this glorious end, and apart from the modest resources offered by this position, I should have striven with all the zeal and love demanded by the service of the King, by my affection for Your Excellency, and by my sense of what is due my friend Don Juan Bapta. de Echeverria. In, consequence of the failure of this plan, no effect has been given to Your Excellency's orders to the agent, Don Antonio de la Mora, with respect to the ten thousand pesos entrusted to him. As for the six thousand sent me by Your Excellency to be employed solely in fortifications, I shall arrange that the Engineer in charge make a weekly account of expenditures ordered by me, so that everything may be perfectly clear and thoroughly justified. The convicts only will draw rations under the forms always followed in this garrison, a course of which I approve. Your Excellency tells me of the dispatch of 82 convicts of those furnished by his Grace the Viceroy Archbishop; of these only one is missing, who I am told, escaped from the Morro. We have also received the four pieces of 24 and 18, and the eight of 5 and 6. I had already informed Your Excellency by letter of April 25, that the six row galley guns carried by the galliots had been left here. Being needed here I thought fit to take them out, being unwilling to expose them to any risk. I beg Your Excellency to send us their carriages, as we shall then avoid the expense of new ones, and to approve this course of mine. I inform Your Excellency that Don Pedro Barranco is taking with him four 3-pounder stone mortars, two 2-pounder and ten breech plugs, all of bronze, so that Your Excellency approve, they may be recast into falconets, which are more readily handled. The mortars are useless because their plugs, made here, do not fit. The Royal stores here have also received through the foreman substituted for Don Francisco de Leon Galera, the clothes, shirts, hats, beads and pipes, sent under his charge. I shall take the gross amount from the Indian budget, and carry it to the account of works, in order to employ it in our labors here, which in accordance with your suggestion appears to me the best course. Florida, May 28, 1738.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy Florida June 2nd 1738 AN466 Sir In your letter of the 24th March • you informed me of the day on which you intended to embark the troops and militia for the premeditated expedition, • and that the 21st same you received a courier with orders from the king to suspend operations; • that in the meantime, by means of a conference the two crowns would agree to determine the limits of these Provinces, • and that in the interim his majesty desires to advise you in order that you may secure them against any sudden attack they intended, • to arrange that this Garrison and that of Apalache may be rendered as respectable as possible. Don Manuel de Montiano To Senor Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas.

This visit reminded Montiano of his own obligation to gather information about the enemy.* With all the preparations for battle, the message to stay on defense rather than offense may have been bothering Montiano. He did not want to be blamed for it. When June rolled around, he wrote a letter to Guemes just to confirm his understanding of the order.* He referred to Guemes’s letter dated March 24th, where Guemes had declared the date he intended to embark the troops and militia for the attack on Georgia.* The same letter had contained the king’s order to suspend the operation.* Montiano reminded Guemes of the king’s instruction to protect St. Augustine and Apalache from any attack.* Sir: In a letter of March 24, Your Excellency notified me of the day on which you must have embarked the troops and militia for our intended expedition, and that the 21st of said month, you received a post with orders from the King to suspend it while conferences between the two crowns would fix the metes and bounds of these provinces. And that at the same time Your Excellency was advised that His Majesty desires they should guard against any sudden attack, and that measures be taken to put this fortress and that of Apalachee into as good condition of defense as possible. * * * This is all I have to remark in respect of these affairs.Florida, June 2, 1738.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy June 3rd 1738 Mont Recommends Espionage Sir In your letter of the 24th March • you tell me that if the two Courts do not agree in defining the limits which belong to this city and that of St. George, • and if consequently ours determine to recover what belongs to us, • to procure by every possible means a knowledge of the condition of the new settlements of Port Royal and Purisburg: • if they have had any reinforcement of troops, or if any maritime forces have arrived, and of what character they are, • with the most minute accounts that can be acquired from the most faithful and careful channels, that we may be able to inform his majesty: • I assure you that of all the difficulties which surround one here, the greatest is the want of an intelligent person for these intrigues, or in whom one could confide the management required by the enterprise of an emissary; • and although we have conferred fully with Don Antonio de Arredondo on these subject, and of the way by which he could acquire certain information which would be useful to us, • we have encountered so many obstacles, that we want the foundations on which to plan such important negotiations. • That of which I can speak positively now is that • they found the English of the new settlements and St George so ignorant of everything, that • until the English pilot arrived, whom you detained in this city, they had not the least knowledge of what was going on, • as may be seen by their Gazette, which you will receive with the other information sent by Don Antonio de Arredondo, • that they have sent at once a frigate of 20 cannons and a bilander to this port, to assure themselves of what the pilot had told them, • and having been detained the 29 & 30 of April by a heavy Norther (storm) near the Cape they could not send the barge to explain their motives for having come, and to assure themselves on the subject of their voyage; • they doubtless will send to Edward Bullard a bilander under pretext to collect the money for a note which they hold upon this house, and promissory notes of other individuals; • but before explaining themselves on those subjects they sent to me a letter from the Governor of St. George, the copy of which and the answer I have forwarded to you that you might learn their contents. The letter which the said English pilot wrote to Devis, informed him • that on the 15 May 3 frigates had arrived at St. George, the one called Phoenix of 20 cannons, and the other two transports with 600 regular troops, which they received on board at Gibraltar, and occupied six weeks in the voyage: • that they likewise brought 40 cannons of bronze of every size, • and that they shortly expect Genl. Oglethorpe; • and as this news came by persons of the same nation in whom I cannot place the least confidence, I remain in the same incertitude, but from not having any from our side, one may speculate on these things; • it being very expensive, and not having here the means, nor anyone worthy, it is impossible for them to gain the information why we may inform them or carry to them, in security, what they desire to know; • it cannot be doubted that if this news be correct, our Court cannot be ignorant of it -- Don Manuel de Montiano To Senor Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas.

Sir: In a separate letter of March 24, Your Excellency informs me that if the two courts do not agree on the delimitation or adjustment of the boundaries of this city and of St George, and that if in consequence ours should determine upon the recovery of the boundaries belonging to it, I am to discover by all means in my power the condition of the new settlements as well as of Puerto Real and Purisbur, whether they have received re-enforcemnts, either army or navy, the tonnage of the ships, and that I must obtain the most minute information through the most trustworthy channels available, for report to His Majesty. I assure Your Excellency that among the many difficulties of life here, the greatest is the lack of persons of intelligence for such business ; there is not a single emissary here to whom it may be intrusted. And although Don Antonio de Arrendondo and I have long conferred in these matters, and on the methods of obtaining the reliable information we need, we have encountered so many obstacles that we have not yet hit on the best way of proceeding in so important an affair. But what is positive in this whole business, is that the English of the new settlements and of San Jorge had not the slightest idea of what was forward, before the arrival in their parts of the English pilot Your Excellency found in this place. This is established by their Gazette, which Your Excellency will see with other news written by Don Antonio de Arrendondo, and by their having at once sent a 20-gun frigate and a sloop to this port, to verify the reports of said pilot. As a norther blew April 29 and 30, requiring them to beat and lie-to, it was impossible to send a launch to ask them why they had come. To make sure of their fears, they undoubtedly sent Edward Bullard in a sloop under the pretext of recovering a debt due him by these offices, and notes made by a few private individuals. But before opening these subjects, he handed me a letter from the Governor of San Jorge, of which I send a copy, as well as my answer, for the information of Your Excellency. In a letter written to Devis by the aforesaid English pilot, it is said that on the 15th of May after a journey of eight weeks three frigates arrived at San Jorge, one called "Fenix" of 20 guns, the other two transports, carrying 600 regulars taken on at Gibraltar and 40 bronze guns of all calibers; further that General Oglethorpe was shortly expected. But as this news comes from persons of the same nation, in whom we can not have the slighest confidence, we remain in the same state of uncertainty, because we have no one who can make the necessary investigation. This would be costly, and as we have neither means nor trustworthy persons, we have no way of discovering the truth or of receiving news through a safe channel. There can be no doubt, however, that if this news be true, our Government must know it. I have no more to say on this subject, and subscribe myself, etc. Florida, June 3, 1738.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy June 17th 1738 Sir Since the transports conveying Don Philipe de Yturrieta and his troop have left, I received news • that the English were fortified at Frederica on the island St. Simons, • where they built a fort of bricks which they brought from St. George in a great number of periaguas, • and employed in these works more than 200 men, and that they worked day and night; • and though this news may be feigned I have notwithstanding felt under an obligation not to omit communicating it to you, • as it may be of importance to the royal service, and that you might discover something of importance concealed under it, • and if there is any intention to take advantage of us, of which, certainly, the work in which we see them now engaged would force on us the conviction, • I had thought to send an active agent under some feigned pretext, • but I have deferred using this precaution as absolutely useless, inasmuch as although they might permit him to go ashore they would not permit him to go to their settlements or speak to any one; • and for the same purpose I proposed sending the Indian Juan Ignacio with other picked companions, and to facilitate the execution of this express, • but they made so many objections and spoke of so many difficulties, that for the present, for better security, I have deferred it • until the future may present some other opening that will assist in the attainment of the information that we desire; • and though Don Antonio de Arredondo and I have consulted fully all the while that he was here, on the means to be used to acquire it, we have not been able to discover a way. On the 9th instant • Don Antonio de Arredondo, Don Pedro Lamberto and the Master Portillo left here for Apalache; • Don Miguel de Ribas having left two days before with his detachment of 50 men, • and the convicts who go with him for the construction of this fort, with 32 loads of supplies for the journey, • a cavalry soldier who has come back sick (of the 20 who went) informed me that they had fresh meat in greater abundance than was required, which assures me they will have a good journey. Don Antonio de Arredondo goes charged • to search for the place best suited for the settlement of the families destined for this Province, • and to execute it with prudence, so that neither the Indians nor the English shall see the object and the intentions we have, that they may not anticipate us and occupy it before the families arrive; • or the English, knowing our intentions, might influence the indians to embarrass its execution, and I doubt not his good conduct will adopt the necessary means. Don Manuel de Mantiano to Senor Don Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas. From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy

At some point before July 1st, a sloop arrived in the St. Augustine harbor.* St. Augustine personnel boarded the sloop and met a man who had news for Montiano.* He said a bilander from England arrived in Frederica carrying cargo and eight companies of soldiers.* The companies each contained 100 men plus their officers.* This news matched the February explorer’s claim that England was sending 800 troops to Oglethorpe.* However, the May letter Montiano had seen from the harbor pilot to Davis claimed only 600 men had arrived, and that they went to St. George, not Frederica.* If English troops really had come, it made a big difference if they were 90 miles away in Frederica and not 35 miles away in St. George, and whether there were 600 or 800 of them. The man took an oath of his religion to declare the truth of his story.* Montiano wrote a note on July 1st to share this news with Guemes.* Apparently, the note did not contain the part about the oath, because Montiano added that part in his letter of July 4th.* There were two (barges/launches) in St. Augustine’s harbor.* Montiano placed an order to an arbor to be built in the dockyard to preserve the barges from the elements.* Montiano had a hard time getting the work done.* He got frustrated that nothing goes smooth in this colony.* But eventually the barges were parked under the arbor, waiting for oarsmen to be chosen from the marine.* Another frustrating project was the improvements to the Castillo.* Workers were building up the foundation, demolishing the parapet of the curtain, and building stone vaults.* However, there were not enough day-laborers, and they had to be spread out according to a schedule that apparently hampered progress.* Nevertheless, Montiano was pleased with how hard the laborers were working, trying to finish the project as fast as possible.* By July 4th, all of the foundation on one side of the Castillo was finished, and the parapet and interior barracks wall were also demolished on that side.* However, they could not start on the Castillo’s planned (arches/vaults) because they didn’t have any hewn stone.* There were only two oxen trained to pull rock loads.* Montiano ordered for more oxen to be broken in for tractor service.* Per Montiano’s instructions, men also set up a lime kiln.* In all of the construction work, Montiano tried to instill a sense of speed and urgency among the scant workforce.* At some point between June 16th and July 4th, (Pineto/Perito) delivered a letter to Montiano from Guemes dated June 16th.* Guemes said a vessel had brought him a list of negroes, and asked Montiano what he knew about it.* He also asked about several other issues.* On July 4th,* Montiano wrote a letter to answer all of Guemes’s questions and update him on the construction progress.* He couldn’t help but complain how difficult it was to get work done with a shortage of men and supplies.* But he also took the opportunity to praise the work ethic he was seeing.*

July 4th 1738 Sir, I now answer your letter of the 16th June • which I received by Pineto satisfying you on the subjects it contains, • and first of the news you got by the vessel of the list of negroes, • I wrote to you by Don Phelipe de Yturrieta what then was known • and by a letter of the 17th June and a note of the 1st of this month what has since occurred in this particular, • and I have only to add in this letter that the same person who gave me the news contained in the note declared under an oath, which he took according to his religion, • that at the time the bilander came with her cargo eight companies of a hundred men each with their officers came to Frederica from England; • and comparing this news with that which they sent to Devis there is a difference of 200 men, • also that one troop had been sent to St. George and the other to Frederica, • which is all I have to say to you at present, • and that the two barges remain below for oarsmen who are to be selected from the Marine, which has given me much trouble; • nothing is done here, the execution of which is not attended with difficulty; • witness the progress of the works of the Castle for want of day-laborers, whom it is necessary to divide according to the rules expressed in the adjoined; • but notwithstanding their small number, they progress as fast as possible, • and all the foundation of one side of the castle is finished, • though for want of hewn stone they have not commenced the vaults, which they could not bring having only two oxen to do the work, and to guide them we were obliged to employ several men; • they have demolished the parapet of the curtain corresponding to the foundation, and the inside wall which formed the quarters on the same side; • a lime kiln has been made, and I urge them to progress as fast as possible by every practicable means. Don Manuel de Montiano To Senor Don [Senor Don] Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas.

Sir: In answer to Your Excellency's letter of June 16 received through Perito, I have the honor to take up the various subjects brought up. With regard to the reports received by Your Excellency from the Negros station ship, I wrote Your Excellency by Don Philipe de Yturrieta what news I had at the time, and I now send by my letter of June 17, and the note of the 1st instant what has occurred since in respect of this matter. I can only add in this letter that the same person who gave me the news contained in the aforesaid note, declared under oath taken in accordance with his religion at the time his sloop was boarded, that eight companies of about one hundred men each, with its complement of officers, had come from England to Federico. I remark that as to this statement and that sent Devis, there is a difference of 200 men, and that whereas one says these troops went to San Jorge, the other says they went to Federico. This is all that I can now say on this subject. The, two launches are under an arbor that I caused to be raised in the dockyard for their preservation. This arbor cost me toil enough, like everything else here; for example, the work upon the castle through lack of laborers, whom I am obliged to assign in accordance with the annexed schedule. In spite of all these drawbacks, however, the work is going forward as rapidly as possible. All the foundations on one side of the castle are nearly finished, but the arches have not been begun because we have no hewn stone. This part we cannot carry on, as we have only two oxen trained to work. Others are being broken in; an interruption since men must be employed with them. We have thrown down the parapet of the curtain on the side whose foundation is laid, as well as the interior wall forming the barracks on that same side. I have set up a lime kiln and we are pushing on everything by all available means. Florida, July 4, 1738. Montiano assigned eight convicts to work the lime kiln.* However, all eight of them ran away before July 18th.* Montiano wrote a letter to the commanders of the English colonies asking them to return the convicts if they show up there.* Getting the letter to them seemed like another opportunity to spy on their military buildup.* He looked around his personnel for a potential candidate for the mission.* This time, he sent his officer, Don Sebastian Sanchez, to deliver the letter and see what he could see in the English colonies.* He told him to gather every little detail possible, try to discover their plans, and offer a reasonable reward if he met anyone who could give him reliable news.* Officer Sanchez came back with news.* St. George was in the midst of a great smallpox epidemic.* The commanders said they had not seen the deserters, but they agreed to return them to St. Augustine if they showed up in Georgia.* They wrote letters for Sanchez to bring back to Montiano.* Montiano had Sanchez give a certified account of what he saw in the colonies, and submitted the testimony to Guemes along with copies of the letters from the commanders.* In his letter to Guemes on August 31, Montiano says that Indians attacked Fort Pupo on the night of July 18th.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy July 22nd 1738 Sir At this hour, four in the afternoon, I have received a courier from Pupo, • by which Don Pedro Lamberto informs me of his having arrived at that fort, with the loss of two Calvary soldiers whom the Yuchees killed on the roads • stating that although he charged on them he could not gain any advantage as they retired into an impenetrable wood which checked the spirit of our Indians, • they fell on the return convoy from Apalache, and are the same who came from here; • and if we had stopped behind to organize and attack the enemy, it would not have been possible to execute it without betraying the object of this difficult enterprise, • and he therefore hinted that the wounded should come on and resolved to continue his march without chastising them: • and at the same time informed me that the English of the neighboring Colonies had called on the Uchees, and that they had prepared to stop with them. • By the same courier I received the letters which Don Miguel de Ribas and Don Antonio de Arredondo wrote to me, • in which they informed me of their arrival and of that of the barge & bilander of Don Pedro Barranco without bringing any news, with which he sailed from this city. The movement of these Uchee Indians, • and the news from Don Pedro Lamberto of the understanding which the English had with these Uchees appears to me worthy of reflection, • and I have not only sent you this news by Pedro de Alcantara, but have also sent a duplicate overland by Luis Gomez • that he may pass by the keys to deliver them to the patroon of the first vessel he encounters, • to whom he shall remit the order, that at the place where he receives this letter he shall carry this express, make sail and go to the city to place it in your hands. Manuel de Montiano- To Senior Don Juan Fransisco de Guemes y Horcasitas (74)

Sir: At this hour, being four of the afternoon, I have just received a post from Pupo, in which Don Pedro Lamberto reports his arrival this day at that fort with a loss of two troopers, killed by the Uchee Indians on the way. He further tells me that although he charged upon them, he was unable to reap any advantage as they had retired to a very impenetrable wood. He contemplated awaiting the Indians whom he was bringing back with him from Apalachee, (the same he took out with him) who had fallen behind in the march, so as to join hands with them and attack the enemy. But he found this impossible, giving no reasons. He intimates that he is returning sick, which I take to be the reason why he continued his march without attempting the operation he had at one time contemplated. He also tells me that the English of the neighboring colonies have invited the Uchises to come in, and that these are prepared to cross over to the said colonies. In the same post I received letters from Don Miguel de Ribas and Don Antonio de Arrendondo reporting their uneventful arrival and that of the launch and sloop of Don Pedro Barranco. On this score then I am relieved of anxiety. The movements of those Uchee Indians, and the report of Don Pedro Lamberto that the English are having relations with the Uchises, are matter for thought. For the this reason I am not only sending Your Excellency these reports by Pedro de Alcantara but I am duplicating them by hand, dispatching Luis Gomez to the Keys to give them to the master of the first ship he may meet there, with orders to the latter to proceed at once to Habana and deliver them to Your Excellency. I have nothing more to report at this time. Florida, July 22, 1738. At some point before August 8th, Montiano heard that a tribe of Indians had set up camp next to a stream about four miles from Fort Pupo.* It could be another attack sponsored by the English.* He instructed 29 of his own Indians to go and count how many people were camped there.* He also asked them to try to find the small band who had attacked Lamberto’s caravan from Apalache.* He cautioned them not to expose themselves.* Seven of them withdrew from the assignment, but the remaining 22 set out to get the head count Montiano requested.* All 22 Indians returned from their scouting assignment with reports of all the difficulties they had on the journey.* They said they could not find the encamped tribe or small band, even though they had split up and taken different roads.* All they found were tracks of four Indians who had followed the last courier sent from Apalache.* Montiano was disgusted. Either these 22 Indian scouts were lying, or they were too afraid to get close enough to the tribe to count them.* He could not find anyone to do a thorough surveillance job, even in their own territory. Soon after, a few cattle hunters drove their livestock into St. Augustine.* The men made a living hunting down wild cows; wild cows were scrawny, but they could be corralled and fattened up. Knowing these men chased cows throughout the frontier, Montiano summoned them into his office for questioning.* He asked if they had seen any people out in the territory.* The men said they had seen a small band of Uchee Indians who were out looking for horses.* The Uchees told the cow hunters that the English of New Georgia had recruited several bands of Indians to scout the entire road to Apalache and kill as many Spaniards as possible.* The Uchees invited the cow hunters to return to their village, but the cow hunters ignored the offer and proceeded to drive their cattle back to their own settlement.* However, about 42 miles from Fort Pupo, another band of 10 Indians followed and harassed them.* Luckily, the cow hunters ran into Don Pedro Lamberto’s squad before the Indians took any action against them.* The cow hunters’ news confirmed Montiano’s fears that the deadly Indian attack on Lamberto’s troop was part of a larger campaign by the English. This time, it was news he believed rather than doubted. The evening of August 7th, the two couriers Montiano had sent to Apalache returned with the response from Don Miguel de Ribas.* Ribas said there was nothing new at Apalache, but when they heard Montiano’s news of the attack on Lamberto’s squad, they determined to guard heavily against movement of the Indians.* To help with precautions, Ribas sent a letter to Quilate, asking if he had any information on the matter.* Quilate went to see Ribas in person.* He confirmed that he had attended a junta meeting called by the English, where the English heavily solicited the cooperation of his tribe, as well as the Talpuches, Chicazees, Uchees, Chalaques, Catapas, and other nations.* All of the nations tried to win Quilate’s allegiance, but he declined them all.* Quilate told Ribas that he would send his two most trusted chieftains to St. Augustine to confirm this neutrality with Montiano.* In the letter from Apalache, Ribas also reported that three soldiers and eighteen convicts had deserted his fort.* The convicts were found right away and re-secured at Apalache.* Ribas sent a reconnaissance team to look for the soldiers in Pensacola, where almost all deserters go.* Sure enough, the team came back with all three runaway soldiers.* Meanwhile, the construction on the Apalache fort had slowed down because the foreman Portillo and a few solders and convicts were sick.* That was the same situation in St. Augustine.* The mason Cantillo had taken charge of work on the Castillo when the other foreman left for Apalache.* However, work on the Castillo had all but stopped because Cantillo came down with a venereal disease that had him completely incapacitated.* While waiting for Cantillo to become available again, Montiano sent Don Pedro Ruiz Olano to fortify the fort at Pupo.* All of the construction Montiano was trying to accomplish was painfully slow going.* Workers were unmotivated, getting sick, and running away.* Part of the problem was the heavy carrying of materials that could be rolled on carts if they had them.* Montiano craved more progress, more laborers, and more trustworthy information agents.* Juan Ignacio was his best man, and he was missing.* Montiano dreaded that the Uchees might have killed Ignacio, too.* Early August, Marcos de Torres sailed into St. Augustine harbor with a whole packet of letters for Montiano from Guemes.* Marcos was going to sail right back to Havana, so Montiano quickly read the packet of letters and wrote a quick response to them.*

Sir: I have received at the hands of Marcos de Torres 12 letters of Your Excellency bearing date 16, 17, 18 and 24 of July, whose contents I shall report upon through the same shipmaster. I continue therefore the narration of events pending on the departure of Pedro de Alcantara respecting the assault made by the Uchee Indians on Fort Pupo. In order to discover the number of the Indians encamped at a league and a half from that fort near an arroyo, I sent out 29 of our Indians, of whom 7 withdrew. The 22 remaining sent me word that they were eager to make the reconnaissance on which they had sallied; after having been particularly cautioned not to expose themselves rashly, they reconnoitered from the said fort, and returned here, after, as they report, having carried out their orders. They informed me that in spite of their attempt to discover the Indians along the various roads, they had found only the trail of the four who followed the last post that I had sent to Apalachee. I am thus left in doubt whether their report be true, or whether through fear they have failed to reconnoiter thoroughly. I am equally ignorant of the numbers of the Indians that advanced to Pupo, and of their halting place. A few backwoodsmen having arrived in this city with some livestock, were summoned before me, and informed me that while out on a trip they had met a small detachment of Uchises busy looking for horses, from whom they learned that the English of New Georgia had thrown out in different directions bodies of Indians loyal to them, with orders to intercept the entire road to Apalachee, and to kill all the Spaniards possible, and that with this understanding, they were about to return when the meeting took place. Further, that although invited to return to their villages (by the Uchises), they paid no attention to the offer. The herds men added that having withdrawn with the cattle they had succeeded in finding, they discovered at a distance of 14 leagues from Pupo a body of 10 Indians by whom they were molested until they had the good fortune to fall in with Don Pedro Lamberto. This news, agreeing with the attack on the two rangers of this captain, with the attack on Pupo, and with the meeting of the 10 Indians who pursued the herdsmen, I communicate thus clearly to Your Excellency, for what it is worth to the royal service. In a letter of 18th ultimo, I told Your Excellency in respect of the desertion of the 8 convicts employed in making lime for the works here, that I had sent Don Sebastian Sanchez with letters for the chiefs of these colonies,* asking for their restoration should they arrive in their territory. I profited by this occasion particularly to charge this officer to make the most particular inspection possible of the condition of the English colonies, to discover their plans, and inform himself about them in every way possible, bidding him to offer some reasonable reward if he should meet anyone that could give him trustworthy news. This officer having returned and reported his investigations, I directed him to certify his account, being the same as the authentic testimony sent Your Excellency. At the same time, he told me he had not found the deserters, and that those Chiefs had offered their restoration in case they should come to their ports. I send at the same time to Your Excellency the letters they wrote in answer to mine. He also informs me that there is a great epidemic of smallpox at Saint George. Last night there arrived the two posts that I had sent to Don Miguel de Ribas, who informs me that there is nothing new in that fort, but that with respect to the news I gave him, he will display the greatest vigilance in the matter of Indian movements. To this end he sent a post to Quilate for his information, who went in person to that fort, and confirmed the purpose of the Junta, as communicated to Your Excellency in a letter of the 23 ultimo. In this Junta the English of Georgia made a great effort to convene the Talapuches, Chicazees, Uchises, Chalaques, Catapas, and other nations. Although they all besought him equally, he remained firm in his resistance to these visits, sending news of this business instead of his chieftains, and in particular to two of especial loyalty, so that he might come and report to me all that might take place there. At the same time the aforesaid Don Miguel de Ribas reports the desertion from his fort of three soldiers and 18 convicts. As for the soldiers, he has ordered them to be sought in Pensacola, to which point nearly all fugitives go. The convicts were caught at once, and are now under safeguard. The foreman Portillo and a few soldiers and convicts remain sick, for which reason the work there is being continued with a pause. This is somewhat the case with the work on the castle here, because the mason Cantillo who remained here to take charge of it is simply ruined with a pox, so that he can do no work. Hence it has been necessary to send word to Don Pedro Ruiz Olano to fortify Pupo. To carry on here with the energy desirable, I beseech Your Excellency to send here all the convicts possible, a pair of good carts, and a few junta maestras, since for the lack of these things and of peons, the work goes on with great slowness, a source to me of the greatest anxiety. I have already given Your Excellency my opinion of the summons of the Indians, and I pledge my utmost powers to discover their plans; and whether thus or through the disclosures of Quilate's trustworthy friends, I shall give Your Excellency at the earliest possible moment all the news that I may get, and should the case call for it I shall send one of the two launches here, so that no serious delay shall occur, or favorable opportunity miscarry. The Indian Juan Ygnacio has not returned, and I am very anxious about him, as I fear lest he may have fallen into the hands of those who came to Pupo: if he has escaped them, I trust that he will bring me very sure news. Florida, 8th of August, 1738.* English colonies are meant. Tr.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy August 8th 1738 Sir By Marcos de Torres I received 12 letters from you, dated 16, 17, 18, & 21 of July, the contents of which I will answer by the same Captain; • and continuing the account of the assault made by the Uchee Indians on the fortification of Pupo, which the departure of Pedro de Alcantara interrupted, • I ought to tell you, that to ascertain the number of the Indians that were encamped at a league & a half from this fortification in the proximity of a stream, • 29 of our Indians were sent, of which 7 withdrew, and the remaining 22 went on the scout, and effected with much difficulty the reconnoitering; • and having cautioned them particularly that they should not rashly expose themselves, • they sallied from the said fort to reconnoiter the enemy and executed the task; • they themselves declared, after their return to this place, that although they took different roads to discover the Indians they could not meet with them, • and only encountered the tracks of the four who had followed the last courier sent from Apalache; • I have strong doubts if this relation be true, or perhaps fear prevented their making a careful reconnaissance; • at the same time they have been unable to inform me of the number of Indians who advanced on Pupo, or of their position. Several huntsmen having arrived in this city with cattle, I examined them before me, • and they related that while on their excursions they met a small troop of Uchees who hastily mounted their horses, • and informed them that the English of New Georgia had sent troops of Indians friendly to them by different routes • with orders to occupy the whole road and kill as many Spaniards as they could; • and having received this news they endeavored to return to their place without meeting them, • and that though they had begged them to let them go to their settlement they would not permit them, • likewise letting these cowherds that they could retire with the cattle that they could collect; • they discovered 14 leagues from Pupo a troop of 10 Indians, • and that these molested them until they had the good fortune to join Don Pedro Lamberto; • and believing this news, with the sudden attack on the two scouts of the troop of this Captain, the attack of Pupo, and the meeting the 10 Indians who pursued the cowherds, I transmit it to you as it may be of use to the royal cause. In my letter of the 18th ultimo • I informed you that on account of the desertion of the eight convicts who were employed in burning lime • I sent letters to Don Sebastion Sanchez for the commanders of these Colonies with a request to return them if they came into their territories; • and taking advantage of this opportunity, I urged this agent with especial care, to inquire and watch with all possible attention the condition of the English settlements, • and if he could penetrate their designs to inform himself of them by any possible means, • offering a reasonable reward to any person who could give him a correct account of them; • this agent having returned to this place, he has given me an account of all that he could find out, • I arranged it so as to certify the sum of his story, which is included in the authentic testimony sent to you; • at the same time he told me that the deserters had not been found, and that the commanders would restore them if they came to their ports, • and I likewise forward to you the letters they wrote in answer to mine. • He likewise told me that they had a severe epidemic of smallpox at St George. This night the two carriers who had gone to Don Miguel de Ribas returned to this place • and said there was nothing new at that fort, • but from the news they had brought they were very vigilant to guard against the movements of the Indians, • and they sent a courier with the information to Quilate that they might also know their conjectures, • and he passed personally to this fort and ratified the the tenor of the meeting which I forward to you in the letter of 23rd ultimo • & that the English of Georgia induced a grand combination of the Talapuches, Chicazaes, Uchees, Chalaques, Catapas and other nations, • and though they pressed on him similar proposals he declined accepting them for the present without sending to his chiefs, • and of them two in his greatest confidence when acquainted with what the English proposed, came to relate to me all that had passed there. At the same time the said Don Miguel de Ribas informed me • that three soldiers and 18 convicts had deserted from that fort, • that as to the soldiers he ordered to search for them at Pensacola, where they found all that had left, • and that they soon afterwards caught the convicts and secured them, • that the master Portillo and some soldiers and convicts had become sick, • and on this account they continued with some interruption the works; • in a like manner progress those of this castle, • for the mason Cantillo who stopped here to continue them, was laid up with the venereal disease and unable to apply himself to work, • and for which I have been forced to send to Don Pedro Ruiz Olano to strengthen Pupo, • and that they might prosecute it with the ardor and rapidity required, • I would beg you to send here all the convicts that you can, and a couple of good carts, much wanted for these works, also laborers, as the work advances very slowly. I have informed you of the convoking of the Indians, • and I will do all that is possible to penetrate their designs, • and as soon as the confidential agents from Quilate come here, • I will send you all the news which I learn, with the greatest promptitude, • and if the event is known, I will send with them one of the two barges to avoid delay and the disappointment of any joint advantage. • The Indian Juan Ignacio has not returned and I fear greatly that he has fallen into the hands of those who came to Pupo, • and if he escapes I hope that he will bring me very correct information. Manl. [Manuel] de Montiano To Sr. Don J. [Senor Don Juan] Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas.

Sir: In my letter of Nov. 11, of last year, I gave Your Excellency the news I had got from Milord Ogletor's projects made before the English court in respect of helping the capture of this place, such as keeping ships at the mouth and along the keys of the new channel, so as to insult the fleets of merchant ships, galleons, quicksilver ships, and other vessels of Spanish commerce. Later on, I gave Your Excellency all the information that I had found it possible to collect. Lastly in letters of July 21 and August 8 I communicated to Your Excellency the assault which the Yuches, friends of the English, made on Fort Pupo the night of July 18; the death of the scouts' of Don Pedro Lamberto; and the news given by the Uchises to some hunters of ours that the English had sent out a few parties of Indians with orders to kill as many Spaniards as possible. I ' also inclosed a statement of the embassy Quilate sent to the commanding officer at Apalachee telling him that the English of New Georgia had twice caused to be summoned all the Indians of the Provinces; as well as an account of Don Sebastian Sanchez (whom I had sent to the neighboring colonies to recover the eight convicts, deserters) of all that he had been able to see and learn. And now very recently, the Indian Juan Ygnacio has returned whom I had also sent to the same colonies to try, by using his native wit, to slip into them and discover as much as he could of the plans of the English, and of their condition. Likewise there have fled hither two Irishmen and one Scotchman. I am accordingly sending Your Excellency a careful account of their statements, and of all that the aforesaid Indian has declared he heard and saw, from the time he reached the English, until he could manage to slip away, in order that Your Excellency may be completely informed of all the news that I have been able to gather. Reflecting on certain portions of this account. I ought to point out to Your Excellency that Lieutenant Colonel Cocram, Governor of San Simon having asked our Indian if there were much money in Florida, and being answered that there was, said to him: "Soon that will all be the King of England's." With respect to this haughty statement, I may be allowed to point out that this Governor would not make such assertions, were he not informed of his sovereign's desire to possess himself of this place. In the next sentence, Cocram asked our Indian about the condition of this place and castle, and to his answer remarked: "When you hear it said that General Ogletor has arrived, whom I am expecting with 700 men, then will you see me put a war ship at the mouth of the bar, to cut off supplies; and another on the keys, to embarrass vessels from Habana." It should be noticed and recollected here, that this plan forms part of Ogletor's dispositions. Further, Lieutenant Colonel Cocram has just come from London, and it is reasonable to believe that this officer must have been informed there that Ogletor's plans were approved, and that the latter must have strengthened them by representing the advantages accruing to his Britannic Majesty from the capture of Florida. This plan may be regarded as adopted, seeing that in another sentence he said affirmatively to our Indian that before 2 or 3 years he would be seeing them making wine and aguardiente in this province ; and that for the purpose of mastering it, he had in Sabanto, San Andres and San Simon, 900 men, who with the 700 Ogletor was to bring, and the 5,000 and 6,000 Indians they would call together in less than 2 months would advance and disembark on the river St. John's near the fort of Picolata, the only point, as they say themselves, from which may be counted the 7 leagues to this position. In this last paragraph of his account our Indian says he heard Lieutenant Colonel Cocram, and Don Guillermo Hauston say that they had offered their Indians 50 dollars for the scalp of every Spaniard they might kill. The truth of this is sufficiently established by the news given our herdsmen by the Indians, by the violent death of Don Pedro Lamberto's two. scouts, and by the surprise they attempted against Pupo. And the enlistment of the 5,000 or 6,000 Indians spoken of in the preceding paragraph is verified by the embassy of the supreme chief Quilate. Upon which I have to remark that the aforementioned Governor Cocram would not have called the meeting for these outrages, without express orders from his Government. At this hour, half past eleven at night, I have received the report of the chief of a detachment which I am keeping in an armed launch in the river St. John's, that 25 Indians and 2 Englishmen allowed themselves to be seen on the shores of the island of the same name. As this point is the very one they have fortified, and the one in which they tried to found a new settlement it must be two or three years ago,not only is it plain that there must be more Indians and Englishmen, but also that they have come for the same purpose. But I am firmly resolved not to endure such insolence, and to make them abandon the idea if perchance they should have pitched on it. This is all the news I have been able to acquire by the means indicated, for the information of Your Excellency; it follows that the purposes of the English are verified; that taking crafty advantage of the time selected for fixing the boundaries of the provinces on both sides, not only have they applied themselves with greatest zeal to the fortification of the ground that they have unjustly occupied, but that they are also taking the most effective measures to take this place, by starving it. I have also learned from Devis, (who vouches stoutly for it, on account of the confidence he has in his informant of the island of Barbadoes) that the number of troops Ogletor is to transport is 1,000 men, and that as many as 20 ships of war are to be sent from London for station off Jamaica. It is that Your Excellency may take the best means to guard the fleets now in these American waters, and deign to take all the measures needed for the important work of finishing this castle, as well as the others suggested by Your Excellency's great discretion and knowledge as suited to the execution of these premeditated ideas, that I transmit these reports to Your Excellency. In order to lose no time, I do not answer the letters which I promised by Marcos de Torres to answer. I assure Your Excellency that I shall fail in no point to display the utmost vigilance for the safety of this place. To this end, I have asked the purveyor at New York to send me with the utmost dispatch supplies for one year, because from now on those needed by the King, and designated by you cannot be obtained through other channels. I had intended to send Juan Ygnacio the day of sailing to that city, (Habana) so as to give Your Excellency by word of mouth the account he gave me, but having declared to me that he had made a certain promise of vow, in case of a happy issue, to Our Lady of Cobre, I was unwilling to put him aboard with violence, and I let him go at his own free will to present himself to Your Excellency. I beg that he may return at the first opportunity. Florida, Aug. 31, 1738.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy August 31st 1738 Sir In a letter of the 11th November of last year • I related to you the news I learned of the projects that lord Oglethorpe had suggested to the court of London relating to the taking of this place, • and to keep vessels at the mouth and about the keys of the Channel • by which to molest the fleet of merchantmen, the Galleons, quicksilver ships and other Spanish commercial vessels, • and since then I have transmitted to you on several occasions whatever news I have heard. Lastly in my letters of 21st July and the 8th instant I informed you of • the advance made by the Indians friendly to the English on the fort of Pupo the night of 18th July, • their killing the two scouts of Don Pedro Lamberto's troop, • and the information given by some Uchees to one of our huntsmen, that the English had sent here some troops of Indians with orders to kill all the Spaniards that they could, • and I transmitted an affidavit of the envoy that Quilate sent to the commander of Apalache, • informing him that the English of New Georgia had ordered to call together all the Indians of the Provinces; • likewise I enclosed another certificate given by Don Sebastian Sanchez, • who had been sent to the neighboring colonies to search for eight convicts, deserters expressing all that he could see or learn. • And now, lately, from the return of the Indian Juan Ignacio who was likewise sent to the same Colonies to use his sagacity to learn there and unravel the intentions of the English, as far as he could, • and two Irishmen and one Scotchman, fugitives, having arrived here from the said Colonies, • I transmit to you an authentic testimony of what they have done, • and an account including all that the said Indian has testified of what he heard and saw from the moment that he entered among them until he left them, • that you might participate in all the news I have been able to get. • I must also inform you that the Lieutenant Colonel Cocran(Cochran?) Governor of St. Simons having asked our Indian if they had much silver in Florida, and he replying that they had an abundance, for every month the soldiers were paid, he said, that soon all would belong to the king of England; • and this haughty observation has induced me to consider that this Governor would not thus express himself if he did not know the intentions of his sovereign to proceed to conquer this place. After a pause that followed the proceeding • Cochran asked our Indian the condition of this place and castle • and receiving his answer said, when you hear of the arrival of General Ogelthorpe, whom I expect with 700 men, • then you will see me at the mouth of the bar a vessel of war to stop the introduction of provisions into Florida, • and another at the keys to check the embarkations from Havana. And on this point you should consider and remember the character of Ogelthorpe • whose scheme this is: • that the Lieutenant-Colonel Cochran has just come from London, • and it is reasonable to believe that this officer has learned from that court • that they have adopted the projects of Ogelthorpe, • and that he has excited them by the utility and profit which he insinuated would accrue to the British king by the fall of Florida, • which he earnestly desired to attain, in as much as at other times after this he said positively to our Indian • that before two or three years they would see wine and rum in these provinces; • and, to magnify himself in his eyes, he stated that there were in Sabanato, San Andres(St Andrews) and St. George 900 men, • with which and the 700 to be brought by Ogelthorpe, • and five or six thousand Indians which he will convene in a shorter time than two months, • he will come and disembark on the river St. John and the fort Picolata, which is the same place, and from which he said there were only 7 leagues of distance to this Garrison. In the last portion of his story our Indian said, • that he had heard it stated to Lieutenant-Colonel Cochran and to William Huston • that fifty dollars had been offered to their Indians for each scalp of a Spaniard whom they had killed; • and this is sufficiently proved to be true • by the news told our cowherds by the Indians, • by the violent death of the two scouts of Don Pedro Lamberto's troops, • and the surprise of Pupo which they tried. • And the recruiting of the five or six thousand Indians, mentioned in the preceding paragraph is verified by the embassy of the (Cabo general?) [added: cabo, the lowest general officer.] brigadier general Quilate: • on which points I insist that the said governor Cochran, would not cause this convention, nor these insults without express orders from his court. • At this hour, half past eleven at night, a courier has been received from the leader of the detachment, which in an armed barge went up the river St. John, informing me • that they had seen on the beach of an island of the same name, 25 Indians and two Englishmen; • this being the place which they had fortified, and where, two or three years since, they intended to form a settlement, • they not only supposed they saw a larger number of Indians and Englishmen, but that they had come for the same object; • but I am determined not to permit this boldness, and to make them abandon the idea if I have an opportunity of going there. This is the news which I have been able to collect to send to you, • from which the intentions of the English are verified; • that they artfully take advantage of the delay requisite to decide on the limits of each Province, • not only using every means to fortify the lands which they have unjustly occupied, • but taking the most certain measures to overpower this place by starvation. • And though I have learned by Davis assuring me with all certainty, • from the confidence he places in his correspondent, • who has informed him from the island of Barbadoes • that the troops that Oglethorpe will transport to these Colonies are a thousand men, • and that from London they have sent and keep at Jamaica 20 vessels of war; • and that you might use every precaution to protect the Armadas (fleets) which are now in this part of America, • and be pleased to give the necessary means for the important object of finishing the works of this Castle, • and whatever else your great discretion and knowledge may consider necessary to the consideration of these premeditated ideas, • I send you this information without stopping to look at the letters by Marcos de Torres which I have answered, • and promised not to neglect in a single point the vigilance for the security of this place; • for which purpose I begged the purveyor at New York would send as soon as possible the necessary provisions for one year, • because at present I cannot select other channels than those the king desires, or you appoint for me. I had thought on the day of sailing to send Juan Ignacio, • that he might go to that city and inform you personally of all the contents of the news which he brought me; • but having declared to me that for good success he had offered a vow & certain promises to our Lady of Cobre [a town in Cuba near south coast. Our Lady de Cobre presides among other things, over the cure of ulcers, etc.], • I did not force him to go, and permitted him to visit you at his pleasure, that he might be rewarded in the first occasion. Manl. [Manuel] Montiano -- to J. F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes. (113)

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy January 3rd 1739 Sir In your letter of the 10th October you advise me that the squadron of nine vessels commanded [added: by] Don Joseph Pizarroremained yet in that port, and that though you had two letters from Spain, left in Cubaby an express sent to Vera Cruzthe official did not add any thing to the preceeding [preceding] news respecting the project of peace or war; but all the private letters said that the Englishhad corrected their proposals, and there was a disposition to arrange the differences by mild peaceable means, to which opinion you informed me, you incline for reasons you have explained to me. Not doubting your inteligence [intelligence], I ought to say that I have the true account, for having had an intimate conversation with Davisand learned from him the present condition of those Colonies and their news & designs, I am certain that nothing else could have made lord Oglethorpereturn; and as this officer is so captious and restless, I am surprised that he has come and remained quiet, and though I distrust this calm, as it might be the highest effort of his cunning, notwithstanding the repose of his restlessness is a miracle, I do not neglect to watch all the steps, and movement that he may try, by guarding the St John riverand the forts Pupo& Picolata, by advancing these works as much as possible, and investigating the intentions of the English, to inform you of them, whatever they may import, that they may not hold effectually the unjust possessions they have taken in the proper territories of these Page: [25]24 [djvu image | jpg image] Provinces. And if I receive any thing new to send to you, and have no vessel, I will despatch a barge as I said before, that it may not be delayed. Postscript. Don Pedro Lambertohas informed me that Ogelthorpehad shot a soldier, which he said was told him by Davis, but he hid it from me, and said nothing to me when he left the port. On the 21st of November 23 negroes small & large of both sexes arrived here, fugitive from Port Royal; nineteen belong to Davis, eight are labouring [laboring] men. I have striven with all the free (negroes?) to settle in Mozea half league north of this, that they might form a settlement and cultivate the lands, to direct them I have named Don Sebatian Sanchez; and that they might be instructed in the mysteries of our holy religion I have appointed Don Joseph de Leona well informed man servant who is pursuing an ecclesiastical course and acts as notary to the Bishop, he has placed him in this employment as a mark of his approbation, giving him the appointment of a teacher of the Christian religion (Doctrinero) until the pleasure of the king assigns him another. There are altogether 38 free negroes here who could form a good pueblo. Manuel de Montianoto Sr. Don J. F. [Senor Don Juan Francisco] de Guemes- (126)

Sir: In a letter of October 10, Your Excellency is good enough to tell me that the squadron on nine war-ships under the command of Don Joseph Pizarro is now in your harbor, and that although you have received letters from Spain by a despatch boat on its way to Vera Cruz, the official ones throw no light on the question of peace or war, but that the private ones say the English have corrected their schemes. Further, that it is felt our differences will be compounded by gentle and friendly methods, a feeling shared by Your Excellency for reasons soundly set forth. On this subject I feel it my duty to say to Your Excellency that I am of the same opinion, for I have had a thorough understanding with Devis, and succeeded in making him reveal the present state of these* colonies, their news and plans. He assures me there is nothing new except the arrival of Milord Ogletor, and as this officer is so captious and crossgrained, I am astonished that having come, he should remain quiet, and although I distrust this peaceful attitude as being perhaps only the deepest artifice, yet I regard it as nothing less than miraculous. And so I am diminishing in no respect my vigilance over all the measures they may take, nor my watch of the river St. John's and the forts Pupo and Picolata. I am advancing these works as much as possible, and searching into the intentions of the English, for Your Excellency's information in case they should have any significance, while they are not being put into effect, and an agreement is reached in respect of the differences set afoot by their unjust seizure of territory belonging to this Province. And, if I should have any urgent news for Your Excellency and no earlier vessel to send it by, I should despatch a launch, as I have before told Your Excellency, in order that Your Excellency may not be without it, and that such dispositions may be made for the King's service as may in your wisdom seem best. Florida, 3 January, 1739. Postscript. Don Pedro Lamberto has told me that a soldier fired at Ogletor, and that he got this from Devis, who however concealed it from me, and until he left the port said nothing of it to me. On Nov. 21, 23 negroes of both sexes and children came here fleeing from Puerto Real, nineteen belong to Devis; eight are workmen. I am struggling with all the freemen to establish them in Moze half a league from here to the north, so that they may there form a settlement, and cultivate those lands. I have appointed Don Sebastian Sanchez to take charge, and Don Joseph de Leon to instruct them in the mysteries of our holy religion. He is a young man of parts, in the church, and serves as notary to the Lord Bishop, with whose approval he has undertaken this work. He is acting as parish priest until the King shall have made known his good pleasure. The free negroes here are 38 in all: and it is not impossible they may form a good village. * The English. Tr.

Sir: A man having appeared on the edge of the other bank of the river Saint John's the guard launch crossed over to examine him, and took him aboard to bring him here. He arrived on the 16th ultimo, and we got from him the declaration herewith. From it Your Excellency can determine the condition of Georgia and of its fortifications, with all the other points that seemed to me worthy of inquiry. If what he says is true, it is possible that General Ogletor is making but little progress, since I know through another channel that over 12,000 dollars are owing in New York, and that for this reason, they are unwilling to send him supplies from any of their colonies where, on account of his daring disposition, he is in disfavor, as well as from the reputation he has acquired of being a poor paymaster. This is all I have to offer on this point, remaining, etc. Florida, 3 March, 1739.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy March 3rd 1739 Sir A man having appeared on the other side of the river St Johnthe guard boat went to reconnoitre [reconnoiter], and having made them understand that he was a fugitive from the EnglishColonies they took him in to carry him to this Place, where he arrived the 16th ultimo; and I received from him the testimony which accompanies this, that you may see the condition of Georgiaand its fortifications, with all which has besides occured [occurred] to me worthy of sending; and I am certain from what he said that Genl. [General] Ogelthorpeadvances but little his projects; [deleted: for] then it is clear to me from another source that in New Yorkhe owes more than twelve thousand dollars, and for this cause they do not desire to furnish any supplies to his Colonies, and for all it was [added: a] dark prospect from his cash disposition, and his reputation as a bad paymaster. Manl. [Manuel] de Montianoto Sr. Don [Senor Don] Juan Francisco de Guemes. Page: [26]25 [djvu image | jpg image] (133)

Sir: On March 9 last, a sloop arrived in this port from San Jorge having on board a Lieutenant Colonel, a member of Parliament and an interpreter, who presented a letter of instructions and authority to act from various citizens of those Colonies, and two letters from Don Diego Ogletor, commanding General of all the colonies of Carolina and from Don Guillermo Bull, Governor of San Jorge, asking for an audience on the subject of their mission. This was to ask for the restoration of the negro fugitives, deserters from the neighboring colonies. I received them into my own house and having heard their case through the medium of three interpreters, I answered that I deeply regretted my lack of authority to grant their wishes, inasmuch as the orders of the King contained no authority to deliberate on the matter of returning fugitive negroes who might take refuge in this Presidio, but on the contrary the express direction to set them at liberty. I could not thus make the exchange they offered of the eight convicts deserters from us for their slaves. I suggested that they apply to their own Government for a statement of the principles set forth in respect of the reciprocity they wish to establish with us, and that for my part, I should do the same, and make a report to the council of their request. From the expression of their countenances, they were very much pleased with my decision, and with the courtesy shown them during the week they remained here without leaving my side for a single moment, and so returned well satisfied to their colonies, giving many signs of gratitude with very courteous compliments. And in order that Your Excellency may be informed of their claims and of the answers that I gave to the letters they brought, I send Your Excellency copies of their letters, and of one of mine, these being all alike on the principal subject. I shall be very glad to receive the approval of Your Excellency in this matter. Florida, April 2, 1739. The English wrote about this encounter later in a 1741 complaint about Montiano: In 1738, altho' Peace subsisted, and Governor Johnson after his Arrival here had, in I733, renewed the before mentioned Stipulation, another Method was taken by the Spaniards to answer their Ends. Hitherto the Government of St. Augustine had not dared to acknowledge, much less to justify, the little Villainies and Violences offered to our Properties: But now an Edict of his Catholic Majesty himself, bearing Date in November I733, was published by Beat of Drum round the Town of St. Augustine (where many Negroes belonging to English Vessels that carried thither Supplies of Provisions, &c., had the Opportunity of hearing it) promising Liberty and Protection to all Slaves that should desert thither from any of the English Colonies, but more especially from this. And, lest that should not prove sufficient of itself, secret Measures were taken to make it known to our Slaves in general. In Consequence of which Numbers of Slaves did, from Time to Time, by Land and Water desert to St. Augustine; And, the better to facilitate their Escape, carried off their Master's Horses, Boats, &c.. some of them first committing Murder; and were accordingly received and declared free. Our present Lieutenant Governor, by Deputies sent from hence on that Occasion to Seignor Don Manuel De Montiano the present Governor of St. Augustine, set forth the Manner in which those Slaves had escaped: and redemanded them pursuant to the Stipulation between the Two Governments, and to the Peace subsisting between the Crowns. Notwithstanding which, tho' that Governor acknowledged those Slaves to be there, yet producing the King of Spain's said Edict he declared that he could not deliver Them up without a positive Order for that purpose from the King, and That he should continue to receive all others that should resort thither, it having been an article of Complaint against his Predecessor, that he had not put the said Edict in force sooner. The Success of those Deputies being too well known at their Return, Conspiracies were form'd and Attempts made by more Slaves to desert to St. Augustine: But . . . by great Vigilance, they were prevented from succeeding…

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy April 2nd 1739 Sir On the 9th of last march a bilander arrived here from St Georgewhich brought here a Lieut-Colonel a member of Parliament, and an interpreter, who presented to me instructions and authority from certain citizens of those Colonies, and two letters from Mr. James OgelthorpeGeneral Commander of all the Provinces of Carolina, and from Mr. William Bull, governor of St George, requesting an audience for their embassy, who were directed to request a restitution of the runaway negroes, who, I had informed you had deserted from the neighbouring [neighboring] Colonies and had come to this city; and having entertained them in my own house and listened to their representations through three interpreters, replied to them, that I felt [added: the] greatest pain not to be able to grant [added: a] so reasonable favor, as the orders of the king did not grant me the liberty to deliver up fugitive slaves who fled to this garrison; without the express condition to make them free I could not agree to the exchange which they proposed of our eight convicts, deserters, for their slaves; that they could apply to the court to designate the principles for a reciprocal intercourse which should be maintained between us, and that I would execute justice according its advises. And seeming, according to external appearances, much satisfied with my desire, and with the courtesy shown in these conferences during the seven days they remained here without quitting my side for a moment, they returned gratified to their Colonies, giving many signs of their acknowledgements [acknowledgments], and manifesting their gratitude by very courteous compliments. That you might understand well their pretentions [pretensions], and the answer I gave to the letters they brought me, I send you copies of theirs, and one of mine, which are similar in the chief points, and will be pleased if they have your approbation. Manuel de Montianoto Sr. Don [Senor Don] Juan Francisco de Guemes-

On August 14th, Montiano wrote an update to Guemes to share the results of Lamberto’s journey to Georgia and Carolina.* After he finished the letter, he spoke again with Lamberto.* Perhaps Montiano mentioned how odd it was that the English response to Montiano’s letter regarding the proposed exchange of convicts for slaves did not even mention the convicts.* Lamberto had something to add to his earlier travel report.* He said that when he was in St. George, he saw Juan Zevallos, one of the eight convicts who deserted form the lime-kiln.* Zevallos told Lamberto that the other convicts traveled freely among the English plantations.* (Either Juan tried to come back with Lamberto, or Lamberto tried to order him to come back.)* Either way, the Georgia governor would not allow it.* Montiano had Lamberto sign a certified statement of this and sent it to Spain with the other letters involved in this matter.* Sir: Under date of June 9, Your Excellency is good enough to tell me, that by royal order Your Excellency recommends the same course as that decided on by me in respect of the eight convicts, deserters, and that in consequence it seems indispensable that fresh negotiations should be opened in the matter. Your Excellency further directs that I should communicate their results separately with anything else that I might obtain and learn on good foundation, in order to make report to his Majesty. Having thus a royal order to bring to the notice of the commander of Carolina under some indifferent pretext, Article 2 of the convention, I took advantage of it to send a launch to San Jorge, assuming what Your Excellency will see in the copy herewith, with the Captain of Horse Don Pedro Lamberto aboard. He was to consult the physicians of that city in regard to the serious illness of a girl who has been ailing for many years. Having executed his mission, he reports to me that he did not meet Don Diego Ogletorp in San Jorge, to whom as commanding General, I addressed the notice inviting his attention to Article 2. They told him the General was absent on a journey of more than 300 miles, for which reason he delivered my despatches to his lieutenant, who though invited to, nevertheless declined to open them, excusing himself on the plea that he had been ordered only to receive despatches of whatsoever nature, and to send them on, which he did. Having receipted for the despatches, they gave him (Lamberto) other despatches in duplicate, being an answer to mine that I sent by the deputies from that city and their Parliament. A copy of this I am enclosing for Your Excellency's information: inviting attention to the omission of all mention of the eight convicts, deserters. As he (Lamberto) was not received as were their deputies here, nor was allowed, as on former occasions, to walk about the place, he was unable to learn anything worthy of communication, except that in the first settlements he was better treated, and thus could learn of the discord prevailing between the latest squatters and the people /of San Jorge, and between the latter and Don Diego Ogletorp, whose supreme command they refuse to recognize. I believe that Don Pedro Lamberto's restraint, and the refusal to allow his people to walk about are due to the fears of the negroes in which they live, and also lest some of our people should make suggestions or incite them to flight, a thing against which they guard mightily, since they depend on the negroes for success or failure. This is all I have to send to Your Excellency, etc. Florida, August 14, 1739. Since writing the foregoing, Don Pedro Lamberto tells me that while in San Jorge he met Juan Zevallos, one of the eight convicts that deserted from the lime kiln; that he tried to return with him, which the Governor would not allow: and that the rest go about freely in those plantations, according to the said Zevallos. I have caused Don Pedro Lamberto to certify this news, and I am sending it to the Court, with copies of letters treating of the matter.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy August 14th 1739 Sir, In your favor of the 9th June you tell me that by orders you received from his majesty they gave the same advice which you sent me respecting the eight convicts deserters, and consequently it appeared indispensable to you to make new negociations [negotiations] on those points; and that you may know its execution with its results, with all that I could acquire and learn, to inform his majesty of them. An order having come from the king to inform the commander of the Carolinasof the 2nd article of the convention, I sent a barge to St Georgeauthorising [authorizing] what you will see in the adjoined copy, and permitting the Captain of cavalry Don Pedro Lambertoto go in to consult the doctors of that city on the surgical disease of a daughter who has suffered many years. And having executed his commission, he informed me that he did not meet Mr. James Ogelthorpeat St George, to whom, as general commander, I directed the notice remitting to him the 2nd article, and that they assured him that he had gone on a journey of more than 300 miles, on which account he carried my letter [unclear: to] the one who was in his place as commander, and though he insisted that he should open it, he would not do so, excusing himself because he had received orders only to receive letters, and to forward them which he did; and taking a receipt for having carried it, they gave [added: him] the other written as a dupli[edge of page: cate] and the answer to that I gave the commissioners who came, sent by that city and the Parliament; which copy I forward to you, that you may learn its contents and I advise you that they have not been possessed of the eight convict deserters, and as they did receive a reception corresponding to that I gave the commissioners, nor the liberty with which, on other occasions, they were permitted to walk about the place, they did not get any information worthy to be sent to you; only that they had been better Page: [28]27 [djvu image | jpg image] treated by the first settlements whence they could learn the discord that these intruders had with those of St George, and those of the city with Mr. James Ogelthorpeto whom they denied the general command. I am assured that they did not give more liberty to Don Pedro Lamberto, nor did his people go on shore, which comes from the fear in which they live of their negroes, and that some of us might hint to them mischief or excite them to runaway [added: against] which they would so much guard, for on them depends their prosperity or their ruin P.S. Since writing the above Don Pedro Lambertohas informed me that he had seen at St GeorgeJuan Zevallos, one of the eight convicts who deserted form the lime-kiln, and that having demanded that he should go back with him, the governor would not permit it; and that according to the information of the said Zevallos, the others went about freely among the plantations, to which Don Pedro Lambertohas certified, and I send it to the court with copies of the letters that I spoke of on this subject. Manl. [Manuel] de Montiano- to Sr. Don J. F. [Senor Don Juan Francisco] de Guemes- (157)

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy August 19th 1739 Sir A courier, Don Diego Pablo has come from Apalache advising me that [added: he had heard] the English had come with more than 100 negroes to build a fort; that they had routed and killed all the English and houghed the horses; that [added: two] large bodies of Indians had appeared, one going by the road to St Marks the other towards this place; that Quilatehad sent them this news, and that they were determined to revenge themselves on every one, and for this purpose they came to take the fort; that the negroes had scattered and that two, (Portillo says four) had arrived at a Pueblo of the Provinces, and had soon after disappeared; that they searched for the negroes with an Indian they met in the woods; that they guard this secret with great care; but it appears tome that the fort in the vicinity of the Carolinasmight be repaired to restrain the negroes from deserting, and that it is certain they have sent troops of Indians to hunt them and capture them, so that it has not given me much anxiety. Nevertheless Page: [29]28 [djvu image | jpg image] I have to reconnoitre [reconnoiter], if contrary to the convention, they have occupied any new post. Don Jose Leonarhas been directed to reconnoitre [reconnoiter] at Santa Maria(Amelia Island?) Life of Ogelthorpe page 140. and I have spies in other parts, but have received as yet, no news; and no courier having come from Apalache[added: I remain in doubts,] and more, Don Diego Pablohaving concealed from us that Quilateremained in the fort, to which I have sent Juan Ignaciowith three other Indians and two or three Ucheesfriendly to us. I will punctually send you the result, which I may do, as a bilander came yesterday from New York. Manuel de Montianoto Sr. Don [Senor Don] Juan Francisco de Guemes.

Sir: Don Diego Pablo sends me despatches from Apalachee, saying that he has learned that the English had set out with more than 100 negroes to build a fort ; that the negroes rose, slew all the English, and hamstrung all the horses ; that two large bodies of Indians, had gone forth, one in the direction of the road to San Marcos, and the other toward this point. That this news comes from Quilate, and that he was investigating everything particularly, and where they intended to build the fort; that the negroes had scattered, and two of them (Portillo says four) had arrived at a village of the Provinces, and afterwards disappeared; that they asked a few Indians encountered in the woods, the road to the Spaniards; that this news caused him much anxiety. It appears to me that the fort must be a means in the neighborhood of Carolina to keep the negroes from deserting, and that having rebelled, troops of Indians were sent out after them, and so the news causes no great anxiety. But nevertheless, in case they were occupying some new post in violation of the Convention, I sent out Don Jose Leonor to reconnoiter, and he has returned from reconnoitering St. Mary's, and I have scouts in other parts. So far there is no other news ; no despatches having followed from Apalachee, there is nothing to fear: Don Diego Pablo having concealed from me Quilate's presence in his fort, I have Juan Ygnacio there with three other Indians and two or three Uchises loyal to us. The results I shall communicate promptly to Your Excellency as I now report the arrival yesterday of a sloop from New York. Florida, Aug. 19, 1739.

Montiano refers to this letter in his letter dated 1-31-40.*

Montiano refers to this letter in his letter dated 1-31-40.*

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy January 31st 1740 Sir In letters of the 4th & 14th of October of the preceeding year I gave you a punctual account of what occured on this coast, with the embarcation [embarkation] of the English until the second day of that month, and have now to inform you that on the 22nd December there came to this place a cavalry soldier of the guard of the bar of St John, which is twelve leagues north of this port, with the news that he had seen in the cane-brakes, (cañuelos) half way on this road, tracks of 25 0r 30 men; and soon after another cavalry soldier arrived from the same guard with information that one of our Indians had brought the news that he had seen on the shores of the said river St John tracks of more than 300 white men. On the 23rd Dn Lorenzo Joseph de Leon, ensign of cavalry, and a soldier brought the news that they had seen in the said cane-brakes a large number of Indians & whites. On the 24th they had a consultation whether it were best to demolish the fort of San Diego or strengthen it with a garrison, and if our force was strong enough to attack them; they concluded to introduce additional aid of eleven men, and that it was not prudent to dismember the garrison for the reasons they explain in the context of the consultation, and the same day they began to urge on fatigue parties to guard the place and put it in a state of defense. The 25th a cavalry soldier and several Indians fled here with the information that they had discovered fresh tracks of 30 men at a distance of 4 leagues from this garrison; and the padre F. Francisco Gomez, doctrinero of the Pueblo of Ayamon, where last year the Indians of Pozotalacawere settled to cultivate the more fertile lands, informed me that in that neighbourhood 6 or 7 leagues from this Place he had seen ten Uchee Indians. The 26th I sent the said Cavalry Ensign Don Lorenzo Josephto to go over the country and collect all the cattle possible to be carried to the island of St Anastacia; I have likewise sent out four Indians to overrun the country diligently with the charge to make prisoner an Englishmanor Indian of the enemy for whom I offer a premium of 25 dollars; the said cavalry ensign returned the same day with 93, and in the evening I sent the overseer Don Manuel Garciawith four small embarcations to cut stakes for the Royal service and the defence of this place. The 27th I sent the Ensign Don Antonio Solanato collect horses, to go to Don Christobal de la Torre, Bartalome Ramirez, and other citizens with the greatest diligence. I charged Don Francisco Menendezand other citizens to carry the cattle to the island of St. Anastacia, and dispatched the Indian Juan Ignaciowith five other Indians by the river St John to Picalatato observe the movements of the enemy. The 28th I dispatched by land four other Indians, the night of the same day two of the indians that went with Juan Ignacioreturned with the information that the same 240 Englishand Indians atacked the fort of Picolata, and that its garrison of seven [added: seven - siete a mistake for diez y siete, seventeen?] men had defended it bravely from 10 in the morning until 5 in the afternoon, and that at that hour the enemy shamefully withdrew. The 29 I sent the Cacique Chislalawith 8 picked Indians to go over the country charging them to take prisoner an Englishmanor Indian alive; this day there came a soldier who had been in the battle of the fort Picolata, and with him the indians Juan Ignacio& Juan Savina, who stated that the englishwho attacked the fort numbered 150, and the indians 30, that the fire lasted four hours; that on our side an artillery man was wounded, and that of the enemy two were seen to fall, one of whom appeared to be an officer, as he had a hat with trimmings, and that four men carried him off; and the said soldier informed me that they had used two mortars of Royal size, and gave me several shells that had fallen in the fort. On the 30th the said padre, doctrinero of Ayamoncame here with the information that on the 29th they killed the Uchee indiansat Fayaquiscain the neighbourhood of that pueblo; the same say the four indians sent on the 26th returned, and stated that they had been in St Matthew(St. Matheo) which is on the banks of the river St John, and that they had met with traces of indians who passed about those parts; that although they used every means to find out if they had made, or were making a fort in the vicinity of this river, they could only discover several piriaguas which were going towards St John(San Juan) and they discovered that the indians and whites whom they had seen the past days were there, from the trails of the indians led to the said parts of San Juan. On the 4th January the Cacique Chislalareturned with all his indians, and assured me that he had been in San Juan, that he had well examined those parts, and that he had only seen the huts which the enemy's indians had erected, that according to the signs which they had left they numbered 134, that they made 36 fires the midst of which were the english, whom he discovered to be 200. The 7th I sent Juan Ignacio& Geronimowith three other indians to watch the landings and examine the country. On the 8th the artillery-man who was wounded in the combat of Picolatadied, and the same day I sent Captain Pedro Lamberto Horratinerwith 25 cavalry of his company, 25 infantry and 30 indians and free negroes, runaways from the englishcolonies to go over the country, and charged them to try to make prisoner some Indian scouts who it was believed were about this neighbourhood, and they returned in the night without any news. On the 13th the padre doctrinero of the said Pueblo of Ayamoninformed me that on the 9th 46 Uchee indianshad attacked him and badly wounded him, and that they had scalped an indian they had caught from the small fort they had. On the 18th Juan Ignacioand several of his indians returned and said that they had seen in the river St Johnat a place called San Nicholas 12 vessels composed of 3 schooners, 2 bilanders and 7 periaguas, and that it appeared that 700 men had come: the same day I sent two cavalry soldiers with two indians to observe if the vessels landed any persons at Salamatoto, and that the two indians should go to Picolataand watch the movements of the enemy. On the 19th the indian Geronimothe companion of Juan Ignacio, returned with news that he had seen in the river St Johntwo piriaguas which remained in the middle of the river without approaching this side, and that he discovered that they were placed there to watch if any of our armament entered the bar of the St John, when one would be sent to inform the neighbouring Colonies, and the other to the 12 vessels which were up the said river near San Nicolas: The same day came the two indians who went out the preceeding day and said that though they had gone about Picolatathey could not discover anything, and then I found that the two indians had not gone half the way; and the two cavalry soldiers who went with them examined the creek of Nicoloa, and finding it evacuated returned. The same day 19th I sent Laureano Solana, sergeant of cavalry with eight soldiers and four indians to see if the vessels remained in the river of Picalata, or had taken the fort Pupo. On the 20th at one in the morning the said sergeant came back saying that he had seen a large number of people and fire, in Picalata, and it being at night when he reconnoitred them he could not discover the fort nor speak positively of the number of the people. This same day 20th I sent Juan Ignaciowith eleven indians to make the necessary examinations and to try to catch an englishmanor an indian alive. On the 21st Juan Ignacioand his squad returned and assured me they had gone to Picalata; that they had reduced that fort to ashes, and that they then saw that the vessels of the englishwere in the vicinity of the fort Pupo: than all about it were much people with red jackets; and that the said fort was in the possession of the enemy, for they had seen many of the said people enter and go out and round about it. On the 22nd I sent Diego de Espinosa, a citizen best acquainted with the country and six dragoons to examine it, and look at the landings of San Juan, San Matheo& San Nicholas. On the 24th Diego de Espinosareturned with his six soldiers, and informed me that on the other side of the river St Johns, named San Nicholas, he had seen three country shops, and that, undertaking to approach them & see what they contained, he continued his way, until he heard several shots close by him from there, which showed that they had been advised that enemies were about, one or more having seen our people; he quickly retreated fearing that they would cut him off. On the 27th I sent the Lieutenant of dragoons Don Romualdo Ruizwith 25 horse, 25 indians, and 25 free negroes with the greatest secrecy and precaution to use all diligence to catch alive an englishmanor Indian; to harass those on this side when it was possible, and to use all the caution necessary for a vigilant march and an exact reconnoissance going close by the river to guess at the number of people on this side, that according to his judgment he might or not attack them, or commit hostilities on any side that he could without fearing considerable injury to our force. On the 29th the said Lieutenant Don Romualdo Ruiz del Moraland his troop returned with the news that they had gone to the landing of Picalata, and that from much rain and mist they could learn well the condition of the fort of Pupo, but that it seemed that they saw it, and that they had come across a block house. In this condition I find myself obliged to send you shortly our bilander with this news, that by its receipt, and the orders which you have from the king, you might apply yourself to use every means conducive to supplying and fortifying this place, which it is here totally impossible to effect; with respect to the said river St Johnor Picalata, it is an arm of the sea three quarters of a league wide, exactly measured by different engineers which enters by the bar of the same name, and passes out by the entrances of Apalacheor Southern coast; according to the best informed Indians [added: who knew nothing about it]; and I have, speaking truly no maritime force with which to oppose their; and if I had them they could be easily brought in over the right bar, could pass out to encounter the enemy, to exercise and guard the coasts, but for want of it every means fails; and this is the true reason why I have not sent a large detachment from this place by land, because I would wish at the same time to send a strong expedition by sea; supposing that the Englishshould direct their attentions towards blockading this port, as they have threatened to do, and to accomplish this it would be of the greatest importance to attack suddenly the forts of Picolata& Pupo, with the object by those attacks, by way of feints, to induce a large body of troops to be sent from here, it is certain that they and their allied indians being masters of the [added: whole] country would dispute the passage of ours with a small force, and if they did not succeed, would retreat in good order, and then without opposition and without trouble their vessels would enter this port, having prepared them for it in the creeks, which from the bar of the St Johnpass into the interior through the lands by which it flows, and consequently could enter this place with greater security, for I should have nothing to defend it if they should defeat our troops: and although I might with the greatest zeal and firmness, approaching even to temerity, defend myself, no glory could be conferred on our arms, because the Englishhaving possession of the river St John, with vessels in which they could carry heavy artillery, and being able to introduce them and protect them at any time from the creeks [added: or inland seas (see map of the coast.)] which from bar to bar between their islands and the main land to Port Royal, 50 leagues from here, any but a Maritime force would be useless; and respecting the danger I have mentioned, in case they should disembark their troops at this place and approach within gun-shot of ours, they might rush on us from their small vessels, fire on us from their large one & sadly defeat us, when this place would be in a worse condition than before its reenforcement, which would be to the royal disappointment, and the commencement of its ultimate destruction. These are not the only reasons which induce me to protect this place, there are others of equal importance and weight, supposing that neither you nor I received any orders from the king, from which it would be concluded that the Englishhad occupied the seas with their vessels, I ought first of all to take care of all provisions in the place, that the people might not perish, on which subject I can assure you that I dispense them like to the detachment and from consideration, that to drive from here 400 or 500 men from this population, into impenetrable and, dangerous forests which might be occupied by the enemy, could not be done without great detriment for the future. For the important object for preserving this place for his majesty, to provide and fortify it as much as possible I have heretofore sent my appeal to you on several occasions, and I now repeat them with greater urgency, begging that you will give your aid in every thing requisite to that end, according to the orders which, for that object, you have received from the king; I testify that besides the weighty reasons I now have that you should give your attention to it, I add at the same time the doleful circumstance of being with pay since 1736 as must be clear to you, likewise the ensign Don Pedro de Escobedo, whom I have just recovered, from the begining from 1837 - it has not come nor do we know where it is, and it is sadly agreed to have been shipwrecked or fallen into the hands of the English. For all these reasons I humbly implore you to make use of every means to provide for and fortify this place in the way that the King wishes, for which purpose I will apply myself to preserve it with the greatest zeal and care, even to the loss of my life, which I have offered and vowed to his majesty. I likewise inform you that the said forts Picalataand Pupowere erected for the sole purpose to defend and shelter the couriers who went to & came from Apalachefrom the continual attacks of the Indians friendly to the English, and that they are both situated on the banks of the river St John, one on the north and the other on the south, at the distance of three quarters of a league, which is the breadth of the river, without the ability to reciprocally aid each other: that small and of wood they have several times repelled the Indians who attacked them, and that, now, that of Picalatasustained without injury a seige [siege] of four or five hours from 200 men, the garrison of which, obliged to demolish the fort by grenades, and taking advantage of the retreat of the enemy and the death of their chief, assisted the fort of Pupo, until in the same canoe in which they went to it, they retreated by my order to this place, by a creek that empties itself three leagues from here: that the said fort of Pupodefended itself valourously for about two days, and then, although until now no news has been received of the fate of the garrison, consisting of a sergeant & ten men, nor of one of our Indians who they had to inform us of what occured, I have been informed by the partisans, who in their scouts were about there two days, that they heard much obstinate and continued firing of artillery until half past two in the afternoon of the second day, when they heard a salvo of seven canons, and the firing then ceased, leaving me the grief of a sad loss of eleven men, without the power at present of taking my revenge; because although I gave the chief a written order to defend himself with honor if attacked, and that only if his amunition and supplies failed to capitulate for the lives of his men and the arms to be sent to this place with the honors of war, it appears they have acted treacherously New Page AN489 Page: [37]36 [djvu image | jpg image] with them, as until now I am ignorant of their fate Manuel de Montianoto Sr. Don [Senor Don] Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas. (181)

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy January 31st 1740 second letter of the day Sir, By the adjoined diary you will comprehend the movements of the enemy, the English, how they appeared on the 22nd December on the St John, going up not farther than the canebrakes, and about as I thought, to attack the fort San Diego, I reinforced its garrison with more men, with the belief that if they invested them in the regular way, it would be reduced by a few charges on account of its bad construction, without a fosse, and with only two opposite baluartes, which Espinosa(Spinosa) considered sufficient when he built it to shelter in it his slaves from the sudden attacks of the Indians; without considering that, placed at the distance of a league from the landing, it could not be succored without much risk, from the naked plains of the country; and the enemy having had no intentions to attack it, unless perhaps to make a feint that might detach a small portion of troops equal to that which appeared in the canebrakes, to find them in the field and entice them into the woods which surround it, and destroy them: I remained quiet until I received more authentic news of their number from the scouts who had fled, and it was thus, when on the 28th they had attacked Picalatawith 150 Englishand Indians carrying two colours, drums, and two mortars for grenades of which two entered and finished the demolition of the fort, which was propped up and falling to the ground, and the canon was dismounted at the first fire, yet they defended themselves from ten in the morning until five in the afternoon when they retired with some wounded among them an officer; and the defenders seeing the bad condition of the fort, abandoned it from the fear that they would return with a larger force, or that the roof would fall down; on our part they wounded an artillery man in the foot by a musket ball, from which he died here. Page: [38]37 [djvu image | jpg image] The 18th on which a detachment of infantry, cavalry and convicts were to have gone out to rebuild the fort of Picalata, I ordered them to postpone their march until Juan Ignacioreturned who had gone to reconnoitre the River; he returned the same day and reported that he had seen three schooners, 2 bilanders, and 7 piriaguas all heavily laden and full of men enter and pass up the river, all of the men dressed in red coats, according to his judgment in number 700, and that this armament seemed directed against the fort Pupo, and as neither my force nor its condition would authorise it, I could not introduce into it any succor nor use any possible means for it. From the information given by the partisans, it is probable that the 10 men and their sergeant who garrisoned Pupodid defend themselves two days, as during that time the cannonade did not cease; and that the Indian, who had entered the fort to convey to me news, had either fallen into the hands of the enemy or could not get out. In this state wishing to learn if they had fortified themselves in that part, Espinosa informed me that at San Nicholaswhich is the narrowest part of the river, 16 leagues from here, he had discovered three country shops on the other side and a large number of men but no vessels; that wishing to approach the banks of the river, he heard several gunshots, and this part of the river being in the form of a horseshoe, he went to the projection of the land to place himself in safety, and they agreed that the advanced guard had fired, but finding that they could do nothing no others had come out and the fire slackened. On account of the many thickets and ponds, and various other obstacles it is very difficult to learn the news, which is almost impossible, and indeed the Spaniardscannot undertake it without the risk of being lost or in a short time being disabled for they have to march to their middle in water the greater part of the day, and the Indians from their small number cannot engage in it. Page: [39]38 [djvu image | jpg image] The fatigue of the Uchees who went to the south coast in search of negroes, and at their return passed by Ayamonor Las Rosas, where the Yamaseeshad established themselves compelled them to retreat here, because coming out the fort they would kill them, and every part was surrounded by enemies and they could not continue their engagements without risk; in the mean time if this country is not settled by us before the English, who are the chief fomenters of this evil, we shall not be able to keep these Provinces in quiet. This neighbourhood may be depopulated, because the greater number have begged permission to come to this city, alleging that they suffered from the want of provisions, and they feared to experience, if the war continued, the calamities and miseries which they would undergo from the want of the allowance; and though the reasons are weighty and should make me condescend to send away all the useless mouths from the place, the total absence of news of the condition of the difficulties which might be settled prevents my complying with their request; as the king's intention is to populate those Provinces, it consequently would displease him to let any leave them, and it would be difficult to make them go back if they left, and they would, above all, embarass me if they came to besieged this place, from the small space of this Castle, and the scarcity of provisions, and as one and the other reason weigh much, the Royal magistrates and I have consulted and agreed that for the present no change shall take place, if when better informed they may decide to grant their request. Manuel de MontianoTo Sr. Don [Senor Don] Juan Francisco de Guemes- (187)

Sir: In letters of the 4 and 14 of October of last year, I gave Your Excellency an exact account of what had been done in these parts by the different English ships, from, the second day of the said month and year, and* I have now to inform Your Excellency, that on the 22d of December, there arrived at this place, a cavalry soldier, of the guard of St. John's Bar, which is about twelve leagues north of this port, who says, that he saw the tracks of 25 or 35 men, at the small creeks about half way of the road; and immediately another cavalry soldier of the same guard, came with the news, that one of our Indians had reported, that on the banks of the St. John's, he had seen the tracks of more than three hundred white men. On the 23d, the Ensign of cavalry Don Lorenzo Joseph de Leon, and one soldier, arrived at this place with report of having seen at the same small creeks, a great number of Indians, and white people. On the 24th council was held to decide whether it would be advisable to demolish the fort of Diego, or reinforce it, and whether our force was sufficiently strong to attack the enemy. We resolved to send a relief of eleven men, and that it would not be expedient to weaken this garrison, for the reasons set forth in the minutes of the council. The same day, we began to hasten various works looking to the security, and defence of the place. On the 25th, a trooper came in and some of our Indians, bringing intelligence, that they had discovered the fresh tracks of 30 men, at the distance of four leagues from this place ; and Father Francisco Gomez, parish priest, (of the village of Ayamon, where the Indians of Pozatalaca established themselves last year to cultivate more fertile lands, reported that in the neighborhood of that place, seven or eight leagues from this, about 10 Uchises Indians had shown themselves. On the 26th, I sent the Ensign of cavalry, Don Alonzo Joseph, to scout the country, and collect all the cattle possible, to be crossed to Santa Anastacia Island; I also sent out four Indians on the same scouting mission, charging them with the promise of twenty-five dollars to take an Englishman, or hostile Indian prisoner. In the afternoon, the Ensign returned with 93 head of cattle, and I sent the Sublieutenant Don Manuel Garcia, in four small boats, to cut stakes for different uses of the Royal service, and for the defence of the place. On the 27th, I despatched the Ensign Don Antonio Solana, to bring in the horses. Don Cristobal de Torres, Bartolome Ramirez, and other residents went out on the same business. I charged Don Francisco Menendez, and other residents, with the business of crossing the cattle over to Santa Anastacia Island already mentioned. I sent the Indian Juan Ygnacio, with five other Indians, to the river of Picotala, which is that called St. John's, to observe the movements of the enemy. On the 28th, I sent out four other Indians by land, on the same errand; and in the night, two of the Indians who went with Juan Ygnacio, returned with the news, that on that day, the fort of Picolata was attacked by 240 English, and Indians, and that its garrison of seven men, had defended it valiantly, from ten in the morning, till 5 in the afternoon, at which hour the enemy made a shameful retreat. On the 29th, I despatched the Cacique Chislala, with eight Indians of his choice, to scout the country, and charged to take hostile Indian, or Englishman prisoner alive. This same day, one of the soldiers in the affair of the fort of Picolata, came in and with him the Indians Juan Ygnacio, and Juan Savina, who said that those who attacked the fort, were 150 English, and 30 Indians, that the fire lasted four hours ; that our casualties were the wounding of the artillery man and, that two of the enemy were seen to fall, one of whom appeared to be an officer, for he wore a laced hat, and was taken off by four men. The soldier informed me, that the fort was attacked by two mortars firing large shell (Grenadas Reales) and gave me a few splinters of those that fell within the fort. On the 30th, the beforementioned Father, parish priest of Ayamon, arrived with the news, that on the 29th Uchises Indians had killed Fayaquisca, in the neighborhood of that town. On this same day the four Indians sent out on the 26th, returned, and informed me, that having been at St. Mateo, which is on the St. John's, they saw the tracks of Indians who had passed back and forth, and though they made every exertion to discover whether they had made, or were constructing a fort in the vicinity of that river, they could see only boats going to this part of the Saint John's, and they debated whether the Indians and whites lately seen could be found there, because the tracks of the Indians all made for the said part of the Saint John's. On the 4th of January, 1740, the Cacique Chislala returned with all his Indians, and assured me that they had been to the St. John's, that they had thoroughly reconnoitered those parts and had seen there only the camps (ranchos) where the hostile Indians had been, and that according to the signs left behind there were 134 of them. They made thirty-six fires, which covered the English, who were, they thought, in number 200. On the 7th, I despatched Juan Ygnacio, and Geronimo, with three other Indians, each to scout, and examine the landing places. On the 8th, the artillery man, wounded in the affair of Picolata, died. The same day, I sent Don Pedro Lamberto Horrutiner with 25 horsemen of his company, 25 infantry, and 30 Indians and free negroes (of those who are fugitives from the English Colonies), to scout the country, and use diligence to capture a few Indian scouts who are supposed to be in this neighborhood, and they returned at night without any news. On the 13th, the parish priest of the before mentioned town of Ayamon, informed me that at 9 in the morning, they were attacked by 46 Uchises Indians, who badly wounded, and scalped an Indian who was outside of the little fort they have there. On the 18th, the Indian Juan Ygnacio returned with some of his Indians, and report having seen in the St. John's river, at a place called St. Nicholas, 12 vessels consisting of 3 schooners, 2 sloops, and 7 canoes ; and that it seemed to him they must have had 700 men aboard. This day, I despatched two troopers, with two Indians, to see if the vessels landed people at Salamatoto, and the two Indians to pass to Picolata, to watch the movements of the enemy. On the 19th, the Indian Geronimo, companion of Juan Ygnacio returned, to report that he had seen in the St. John's two boats which kept in the middle of the river, without moving; it is a question if they are posted here to discover if any armament of our enters the bar, in which case one would be detached to alarm the neighboring Colonies, and the other to alarm the 12 vessels at St. Nicholas. The Indians returned who went out yesterday, and say, they went near to Picolata and could see nothing; afterwards, it was discovered that these two Indians did not go half the way. The two troopers who went out with them reconnoitered the estuary of Nicoloa, and finding it unoccupied returned. On the same 19th day, I sent out Laureano Solana, Sergeant of cavalry, with eight soldiers, and four Indians, to discover if the before mentioned boats were still in the Picolata River, and whether they had taken the fort of Pupo. On the 20th, the Sergeant returned at i in the morning, with report of having seen a great number of men and fires at Picolata; but as he made his reconnaissance at night, he could not see the fort, nor can he say precisely how many men there were. On the same day, I sent out Juan Ygnacio, and eleven Indians, to make proper reconnoisance, and endeavor to take an Indian, or Englishman alive. On the 21st, the Indian Juan Ygnacio returned with his party, and assured me, that on arriving at Picolata, they found the fort in ashes, and from there, saw that the English vessels were near the Fort of Pupo. That all about it, were many people in red coats and that the said fort was in the hands of the enemy, for they saw many people go out and in, up and down. On the 22d, I despatched Diego de Espinosa, who is a resident of this place, well acquainted with the country, with six cavalrymen to reconnoiter, and mark the landings of St. John's, St. Matheo, and St. Nicholas. On the 24th, Diego de Espinosa returned, with the six troopers that accompanied him, who reports that he saw three soldiers' tents on the St. John's, opposite St. Nicholas. He endeavored to get near to discover what they contained, but hearing the discharge of a gun, which appeared to be a signal that his party was discovered, he retired quickly, fearing lest they should cut off his retreat. On the 27th, I sent out the Lieutenant of cavalry, Don Romualdo Ruiz del Moral, with 25 horsemen, 25 Indians and 25 free negroes, to scour the country, to reconnoiter Picolata and Pupo, and with the greatest circumspection, and precaution, to make a most serious effort to capture an Indian, or Englishman alive, by attacking those on this side if it could be done, having due regard for the prudence necessary in a viglant march, and for an exact examination of the river, in order to estimate the number of people on this side. And according to information acquired, he was to attack them or not, or annoy them on some side, at no special risk. On the 29th, the Lieutenant Don Romualdo Ruiz del Moral returned with his party, with report that they reached the landing of Picolata, but could not on account of rain and fog, inform themselves of the state of the fort of Pupo, but they thought they saw it, and heard the sound of a drum from it.* In this state of affairs I am compelled to send Your Excellency shortly our launch with this intelligence so that in possession of it, and of orders from the King, Your Excellency may see fit to take all the steps suited to the victualling and fortification of this place, points in respect of which it is absolutely impossible to do anything whatever here. As regards the said river St. John's or Picolata, it is an arm of the sea some three quarters of a league in width, measured accurately by different Engineers, entering over the bar of the same name, and emptying at the entrance of Apalachee, or the southern Coast, according to the belief of the most experienced Indians. I declare categorically that I have no naval forces to oppose to the enemy's; but having them, it were easy to introduce them over the same bar, to go out to meet the enemy and punishing him severely, to guard these dominions. Lacking such forces however, there is no remedy, and that is precisely why I have not sent out by land, a large detachment, for it would require at the same time, a strong expedition by sea. Now supposing the English should blockade this position, as they have threatened, and should for the success of this plan make a great effort to attack the forts of Picolata and Pupo, as a feint to force me to throw out a large body of troops, it is not to be doubted that, being with their Indian allies masters of the country, they would endeavor strenuously to cut their (our troops') communications with us. If unfortunately these should fail to retire in good order, the English would then with slight opposition and no hindrance force the entrance of the Port with their boats, keeping them ready for this purpose in the channels running from the aforementioned bar of Saint John into the interior which would be under their control. They would thus take possession of this position with great ease, seeing there would be no one to defend it, if they had first routed our troops. Moreover, even if I had without any zeal come to such a decision, one that I should myself call rash and illogical, no glory would have befallen our arms. For the English controlling the said St. John's with their heavy launches able to carry guns of medium caliber, and being thus enabled to enter this river and give support at any time by these same * channels intersecting the land of their islands from bar to bar as far as that of Puerto Real fifty leagues distant, no effort not maritime in character was of the slightest use. In respect of the danger that I have mentioned, even if their troops in these parts had been disembarked and had allowed ours to approach within gun-shot range, they could have played us the trick of jumping aboard the small boats, and of opening fire from the larger ones, and so beat us in a piteous fashion. And then this place would have been in a worse state than it was before the reenforcement, which would have given rise to the royal displeasure, and would have been the beginning of its ultimate destruction. These are not the only reasons inspired by the safeguarding of this position, for I have others palpably of equal importance and weight. For under the supposition that neither Your Excellency nor I have received orders from the King leading us to believe that the English would occupy the seas with their ships, my duty first of all is to economize the stores of this place so that its inhabitants may not perish. And I may remark most frankly to Your Excellency that nothing expends them so much as detachments: and for one of importance, such as would be the case with sending 400 or 500 men, through deserts, uncultivated thickets, impenetrable and dangerous woods possibly occupied by the enemy, certain special supplies would be indispensable, which could not be furnished without serious loss for the future, to say nothing of the sally being probably fruitless. To the important end of keeping this place for His Majesty, of supplying and strengthening it as much as possible, I have had recourse to Your Excellency on various occasions : and I now with the greatest emphasis repeat my supplications, begging Your Excellency to help it with all that is needful to this end, in conformity with the orders which the King has given Your Excellency for this purpose. I further declare to Your Excellency that to the excellent strong reasons why Your Excellency should give it attention, must be added at the same time the lamentable circumstance that this place has gone without pay since '36, as Your Excellency must know. *For the agent who went over to receive it, Don Pedro de Escobedo, since the beginning of '37 neither has arrived here nor do we know his whereabouts; there is a melancholy rumor that he has* been shipwrecked or fallen into the hands of the English.* All these reasons induce me humbly to supplicate Your Excellency to take the measures so urgently needed to supply and fortify this place as the King desires: in the mean time I shall apply myself diligently to its preservaton with the greatest zeal and firmness, even to giving up my life with it, according to my oath made and sworn to His Majesty. I likewise invite Your Excellency's attention to the fact that the two aforesaid forts of Picolata and Pupo were constructed solely for the purpose of defending and sheltering from the continual attacks of Indian allies of the English, the mails that go to and come from Apalachee, and that both were situated on the banks of the aforesaid St. John's, one to the north and the other to the south, at a distance of three-quarters of a league, the width of the river, without being able to help each other. In spite of being small and built of wood, they have defended themselves various times against the Indians that have attacked them. Even now that of Picolata resisted four or five hours in spite of being invested by more than 200 men. The garrison being compelled by the destruction of the fort through shell fire, took advantage of the retreat of the enemy, their chief so they say, having been killed, to shelter itself behind Pupo, until by my order it withdrew to this place in the same canoe that took it over, by a channel that empties (into the river) three leagues away. The said fort of Pupo defended itself valiantly nearly two days: for although at this moment I do not know where its garrison is, ten men and a sergeant with an Indian kept to report on anything unusual, yet partisans who went out there during those two days, tell me they heard much obstinate and continuous artillery fire, until on the second day, at about half-past two of the afternoon, they heard a salvo of seven guns, and that afterward the fire ceased. I am deeply grieved over the loss of those twelve men, without being able to take any satisfaction, for although I gave the commander a written order to defnd himself with honor if attacked, and only in case of lack of am munition and stores, t capitulate life and arms safe, so as to return to this place with honor, yet it would seem as though they had suffered from some perfidy, whose purpose so far I am ignorant of. I have no more to report on these matters to Your Excellency whose obedient servant I am, etc. Florida, January 31, 1740. * A considerable portion of this dispatch beginning at this point is to be found translated in the Southern Quarterly Review for April, 1S44, pp. 304 et seq. This translation very considerably modified and altered, is reproduced here, with omissions supplied and errors corrected. Tr. *The extract in the Southern Quarterly Review ends here. Tr. * This passage is obscure in the original. Tr.

Sir: From the journal herewith Your Excellency will understand the operations of the English, and how they showed themselves on December 22, near San Juan, coming no farther in than the little creeks. As I believe they might proceed to the attack of the fort of San Diego, I increased its garrison, with the understanding that if invested in regular form, it would be surrendered in short time, by reason of its faulty construction, lack of a ditch, and possession of but two ramparts opposed to the enemy, (which Espinosa had thought ample, when he built the work to shelter his slaves against Indian surprises) to say nothing of the fact that situated as it was at a league from the landing, it could not be succored save at much risk, on account of the country being open and flat : and it was perhaps not the intention of the enemy to attack it; but, in case I sent some small body equal in number to that seen in the creeks, to surprise this body in the plain, inclosing it from the woods surrounding the fort, and so destroy it. Accordingly I remained easy on this score until I got better information as to their numbers from the scouts that I kept outside; and in this condition of affairs I got news that on the 28th, 150 Englishmen and Indians had attacked Picolata, having with them two standards, chests, and two mortars for shells. Two of these (shells) fell inside the fort, and finished its ruin, shored up as it was and ready to fall : at the first fire, the gun was dismounted, and nevertheless they maintained themselves with valor from ten in the morning to five in the afternoon, when they (the enemy) retired with a few wounded, among them an officer. The defenders seeing the bad condition of the fort, abandoned it, fearing the return of the enemy in greater force, or lest it fall upon them. On our side the artilleryman was wounded in the foot by a musket ball from which he died there. On the 18th as a detachment of infantry, cavalry and convicts was about to set out to rebuild the fort of Picolata, I ordered it to suspend its march until the return of Juan Ygnacio, who had gone out to reconnoiter the river. The same day he returned, reporting having seen coming into the river, 3 schooners, 2 sloops and 2 canoes heavily laden and filled with people, the greater part dressed in red, in his opinion some 700 men. It appeared to me that this expedition was directed against the fort at Pupo, and as neither my forces nor its situation were sufficient, nor admitted of sending any support, I undertook nothing from the impossibility of the case. From the reports of the scouts there is reason to believe that 10 men and one sergeant garrisoning Pupo held out two days, because for that length of time cannon fire never ceased; and that the Indian who was within to bring news, must either have fallen into the hands of the enemy, or was unable to come out. In this conjuncture, wishing to know if they were fortifying on this side, Espinosa told me at San Nicholas, the narrowest part of the river some 16 leagues from here, he had discovered three tents, and many people, but not a single boat : that trying to approach the bank, he heard various gun shot: and as that part of the country is shaped like a horse shoe, he withdrew to a point of safety, asking himself if the advance guards were making signals. He assures me that no other inexperienced person would have gone forth, because of the musket fire. As for the sight of troops in San Nicholas, I believe they were fortifying at that point, because of the care they took not to be seen, and because the place is advantageous and narrow. The difficulty of getting information in our numerous thickets, lagoons and swamps, is so great as to make the thing almost impossible; absolutely none but Spaniards can succeed here without risk of loss or of useless effort, because it is necessary to advance through water the greater part of the day, and even the Indians are unavailable, because they are so few in number. The harassing of the Uchises, who go down to the southern coasts looking for slaves, and returning pass through Ayamon or las Rosas, where the Yamases have established themselves, has caused a withdrawal to this point : to leave the fort is to invite death. We are thus surrounded by enemies, unable to leave the place without danger. As long as our territory is not peopled, thus driving out the English, the chief cause of these evils, these Provinces will have no rest. Our residents cause me much annoyance, for most of them ask permission to go to that city (Habana) alleging the lack of food from which they are suffering, as well as that to which they will be subjected with the continuance of the war, and also the misfortunes and privations due to the lack of pay, Although these reasons are sound, and might induce me to send away hence all useless mouths, yet the total absence of all information as to the state the present differences may produce, keeps me from approving them. As it is the wish of the King that these provinces be peopled, it is clear he would be displeased if any one were allowed to withdraw. Moreover, it will be very difficult to make them return once away, and the burden will be extreme if this position should be besieged on account of the small enclosure of the castle, and the scarcity of food. For all these reasons the royal officers and I after conferences have decided that for the present no one shall be allowed to move, until better information enables us to come to some settlement. Florida, January 31, 1740.

In his letter of February 23rd, Montiano referred to a letter of February 15th in which he asked for fifty fathoms of hawser (ship rope).* He also refers to a bilander that was scheduled to leave on the 15th but got delayed due to the unsettled nature of things.*

Sir: I profit by the delay in the departure of our launch, caused by the uncertainty of the times, and running from the 15th instant, to inform Your Excellency of the return last night of Juan Ygnacio. I sent him out on the 19th with ten other working Indians on the important mission of reconnoitering the country and river near Picolata, and notwithstanding my most particular instructions, and offer of a suitable reward for the capture of an Englishman or Indian ally, so that I might learn something in respect of the conditions surrounding the settlers of those colonies, and of their ideas and intentions, the said Juan Ygnacio tells me he could not so freely carry out this plan, because at the very outset he encountered a thousand difficulties. Having put out of the inlet of Tocoy, which empties into the Saint John's, in a small canoe which he kept hidden there, he went south along the banks thereabouts so as better to carry out his ideas. While carefully proceeding thus, he discovered a scow moored on the very banks he was skirting, and deciding they could be seen in spite of the thick mist, they put about, and landing a little farther back, divided into two squads. They then approached the English, who were inside an orange grove collecting the fruit thereof, and who on being fired at, hastily took flight. As they were assembling to go on board the scow, our Indians who were following at lull speed, opened a continuous fire on them from the shelter of the pine tree trunks, killing at least two of them, and possibly more. For the first to fall having been the helmsman, they carefully observed that no one took to the oars ; the Indians keeping up an incessant fire on the mass of those who were rowing, and growing more and more absorbed in the struggle, heard a cannonshot fired, and discovered that it had proceeded from a schooner painted red, coming up under sail from the south on the river itself, and having many people on board, part of whom undertook to disembark. On remarking this, they (the Indians) with drew to a place of safety, and night coming on, they returned to this Presidio with the loss of their canoe, the recovery of which was impossible by reason of the danger involved. In respect of all this, I must tell Your Excellency that the English have occupied with their boats the entire river at Picolata, and that their navigation southward is for the purpose of embarrassing communication with Apalachee, of winning over the Uchises, and of capturing any mail coming or going. And as our suffering this state of affairs is a rebuff of His Majesty's sacred honor, a foul stain on his catholic arms, and an insult exciting the rage of our nation, I humbly supplicate Your Excellency to be good enough to send me here the galliots of the expedition well manned with good crews, under a mariner of proved valor and skill, for without this help, it is a physical impossibility for me to carry out my plans, and as a matter of fact we shall see ourselves shut up in a corner, without a single man that dares leave the place for any purpose whatever. For both reasons, there will ensue the fatal results consequent on a lack of whatever small matters a commonwealth needs for its preservation. Heeding these matters and the glory of the King in satisfaction for his insults, I renew Your Excellency the suggestions looking to the maintenance and preservation of this fortress, and to our most complete amends. At the same time, I supplicate Your Excellency to be good enough to order the sending here of two three-fold blocks with a hundred fathoms of hawser instead of the fifty that I asked on the 15th instant. In order that Your Excellency may remain in no doubt, respecting my plans, I have to report that on the river St. John's or Picolata there is a stretch called Mojoloa such that, according to the people who know the country, all boats trying to go south on the said river, whether to succor Pupo, or to dominate it on all sides by maritime force, would be necessarily exposed to musket fire. For although the river is quite wide along here, the channel runs very close to the said stretch, the rest being shoal impassible even by a small boat. Seeing that a fort here with six or seven eight-pounders, and a garrison of fifty men under a captain would shut in Pupo beyond all possibility of succor, I have resolved to carry out this idea ; and to that end beg Your Excellency for the galliots which alone can execute it, transport the artillery, free the river of hostile boats, capture those already in it, and recover the fort at Pupo, since its garrison would surrender without assault. These results accomplished, I shall bring the galliots, or some of them, to this port, for the defense of its bar, and strive to induce the greatest number of Indians available to go and settle in the immediate neighborhood of the new fort of Mojoloa, and cause the settlers to go forth with their slaves to continue the cultivation of the plantations they have been developing these past two years. The approval of these ideas by Your Excellency would give me the liveliest satisfaction; and I hope Your Excellency will be good enough to send me the help I am asking for, jealous as Your Excellency is of the better service of the King, and interested in the growth of these provinces in virtue of their having been entrusted to you by His Majesty, principally, doubtless, because of the many proofs Your Excellency has given of great talents, leadership and firmness. Florida, February 23, 1740. Postscript. Sir: The English have gone in boats as far as Pirigirigua 15 leagues south of this, and there is reason to believe they are seeking an exit to the Keys, such as it is possible this unknown river may have, and to the Bay of Carlos and Tampa. This would be most hurtful to us, and even if the honor of our arms is of no concern, it is important to drive them out of the river; this calls for a sea force, under whose protection the pass would be closed to them, and introduction made impossible: without such forces nothing can be done. I trust that Your Excellency's zeal in the royal service will give the help I am begging, so that this place may be freed of the restraint from which it is suffering.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy February 23rd 1740 Sir, The departure of the bilander having been delayed from the 15th inst. [instant] on account of the unsettled state of things, Page: [40]39 [djvu image | jpg image] I am able to inform you by her of the return of Juan Ignacioto this place on yesterday night, he having gone out with ten other Indians for the important purpose of reconnoitring [reconnoitering] the country and the river of Picalata; and notwithstanding that I gave them the strictest charge, and offered them a full reward if they would capture an Englishmanor one of the Indians friendly to them, that I might learn the state and condition of the citizens of those colonies, as well as their ideas and intentions. The said Juan Ignacioassured me he could not accomplish that object, that at the first step a thousand obstacles presented themselves. That having left the creek of Tocoy, that empties in the St John riverin a small canoe, that some one had hid they navigated the southern side close to the banks the better to execute their object, and carefully following this course, they discovered a lighter which had gone on shore on the same side which they followed, and judging that they could see them notwithstanding the great fog, they put about and landed farther back, and dividing themselves into two squads, they surrounded the Englishof the lighter who were in an orange grove collecting the fruit, and discharged a shot to frighten them; they fled precipitately, and when they collected on board their lighter, our Indians, who followed them swiftly, began to fire sheltered by the pine trees, by which they killed at least two Englishmen, without being able to learn if more had fallen, for having seen that the helmsman fell first, they who rowed with the oars had no one to obey punctually, and the Indians did not cease to fire with effect from the woods on the oarsmen; and that while furiously engaged in this combat they heard the report of a cannon with a ball and saw that a schooner painted red had come under sail from the southern side of the same river with a large guard and that they intended to land a portion of them; that on seeing this they retreated to place themselves in safety, and at the begining [beginning] of the night they took up their march for this garrison with the loss of Page: [41]40 [djvu image | jpg image] their canoe, which they could not recover on account of the danger to which they would be exposed. I have thus to inform you that the Englishhave occupied the whole river of St Johnwith their vessels, and that their navigation on the southern part tends to embarrass the communication with Apalache, to render the Ucheesfriendly to them, and to make captive any courier who may go or come. Tolerating this would subject to scorn the sacred honor of the king, give a hideous stain to the Catholic arms, and offend the pride of the nation, I therefore implore you to send here the [deleted: g] schooners of the expedition manned with good sailors, in charge of a seaman of known courage and experience to direct them; because without this aid it is physically impossible to put in execution what I intend, and it will follow that we shall see ourselves surrounded, without having a man who will dare go out the garrison for any purpose, from which will arrive [deleted: the] fatal consequences, from the want of a few necessary trifles for the preservation of the community. With due attention to these things and to the glory of the king, I reiterate to you all my hints for the purpose of holding and preserving this place and give the greatest merited satisfaction. At the same time time I beg the favour [favor] of you to [added: have] sent here two blocks with three sheaves with five fathoms of cable in place of the 50 which I requested in the letter of the 15th inst. [instant]. That you might have no doubts about the object to which my intentions are directed, I inform you that on the river St Johnsor Picalatathere is a place named Mojoloa, where, those acquainted with the country affirm, vessels which attempt to enter the southern part of the river would be exposed to gun shot from a musket, whether they went to succor Pupoor to take with a maritime force any other part, for though the river is wide here, the only channel is in the immediate neighbourhood [neighborhood] of this side, and the rest cannot be navigated by the smallest canoe. And I have thought to build here a fort with six or more eight pounders, with a garrison of a captain and 50 men, when that of Pupois shut up without our being able to succor it, and I have resolved to put this plan in execution. And to accomplish it I beg you to send three schooners which are just the thing for this purpose, to transport artillery, to Page: [42]41 [djvu image | jpg image] clear the river of the enemy's vessels, sieze [seize] those they find in it, and retake the fort of Pupo, for without fighting its garrison would surrender, and having accomplished those ends, the schooners could return to this port to defend its entrance and dispose and assist to incline the larger number of Indian, which to me seems easy, to form a pueblo in the vicinity of the new fort of Mojoloa, and I will make the citizens go out with their slaves to cultivate the plantations which they began two years ago. I believe with much pleasure that this project will be approved of by you, and I hope you will condescend to give me the aid I ask, so zealous as you are for the service of the king, and interested in the progress of these provinces in virtue of the confidence placed by his majesty particularly in you, no doubt from the great proofs you have given of your great talents, conduct & firmness. P.S. The Englishare with their boats as far as Pirigirigua15 leagues from this place to the south, and it is probable will try to go out by the keys, as it is possible they will, and by Charles' Bay(Bahia de Carlos) and Tampaby this unknown river, by which they could injure us greatly, and if it did not affect the honor of our arms it would have an influence on the whole length of the river, and they would possess the lake by force to which shelter they would close the entrance and prevent the passage into it, without which nothing could be executed. [added: Note The St John'sleads into several inland lakes connected into a chain, which may have given rise to the belief that it connected Tampa baywith the Atlantic.] I hope your zeal for the Royal service will move you to extend that aid which I ask. etc- Manuel de Montianoto J. F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes (191)

Sir: In a letter of the 23d of last month I reported to Your Excellency all that had occurred up to that date, and among other matters, Your Excellency must have noticed the plan of building a new fort on the river St. John's at the part called Mojoloa, in order to attack the passage of English boats, the river being narrow here, and the boats exposed to musket fire, since the channel runs close in. But as it seemed to me that such a determination should not be put into execution without examining the country in question, I sent the Engineer Don Pedro Ruiz de Olano, escorted by the Captain of cavalry Don Pedro Lamberto, 25 men of his company and 10 trusthworthy Indians, to make a most formal reconnaissance. The party left the 9th inst, and returned the 12th ; the Engineer tells me he made a careful survey of Mojoloa, and found it as reported to me, except the broad shoal running over to the other side of the river carries 'more water than was said ; for a fall of a half yard* having been noted at the bank, still the entire shoal was covered. Having determined this, they went on to inspect the narrows of San Nicolas, and remarking that here the ground runs hard from one bank to the other at musket range and a little more, they decided that no other place would be so suitable for a fort as this, especially with the addition of a chain or estacade to close the passage. According to the turn of events, it might be decided to build a fort on the other bank, thus providing for a cross fire, and here establish communication with Apalachee. With respect to all this, I have to say to Your Excellency that as it is absolutely impossible to execute my ideas without sea forces, I am sending in this launch of Ojeda's, Captain Don Manuel Montero de Villasante to Habana, to describe vividly to Your Excellency if no sea forces are supplied, all the difficulties of this plan, of our purpose of recapturing Pupo, of making the river safe, and relieving us of any attempt the English may make from Picolata, whence the distance to this point is least. For although most vigorous warm affairs are taking place every day, it is useless to expect any advantageous result so long as they control the river with their boats. And apart from the fact that any vara* other plan would be useless, and that this one itself would naturally be inefficient,* however well thought of, prudence and forethought call for the conservation of such stores as we have, for without them this garrison cannot subsist. And when Your Excellency understands that it is now over a week since those that came from Habana, are with the exception of a small quantity of corn, exhausted, Your Excellency will easily realize that nothing else so much deserves our attention as the economy and good management of our stores, in order to avoid exposure 'to irreparable harm. In view of what I have suggested, I humbly beseech Your Excellency to condescend to be willing to send me the help I asked for in my letter of February 23, for this is the only way to bring about an honorable solution, and the other favorable results mentioned. And I especially again request that the small boats Your Excellency may send should be well manned by skilled sailors and commanded by a man of intelligence and valor, and well supplied with stores ; and that all that can be sent to this garrison* should come as quickly as possible, in order that the English may not again repeat the occupation of our coast with their squadrons, leaving us unprovided, without power of revictualing or of communication. I beg leave most sincerely to assure Your Excellency that I am actuated and inspired by no other motive than the most punctilious resolution to maintain the luster of our arms, the glory of God first, and the protection of these provinces, with the welfare of the garrison next. In this point of view, and without any concern on my part for any worldly interest, Your Excellency may entrust the operations to any person whatsoever in whom Your Excellency may have confidence, and satisfaction, to conduct them independently of me, according to the conditions of the expedition projected against Georgia after the equinox of March, 1737. My co-operation will be limited solely to offering accurate advice on the state of the country, and to giving him all the benefit possible resulting from experience. I desire nothing but the best service of the King: under this assumption. Your Excellency may make any disposition suggested by your great prudence and lofty talents. I offer with all my heart the most cheerful compliance with any method and *regulations imposed by Your Excellency on the person selected for these operations, without resistance of alteration on my part, agreeing to observe them inviolable in the spirit and harmony demanded by the King for the effective execution of the former expedition just mentioned. And I say the same of anything else Your Excellency may deem best suited to the successful issue of the present (trouble). For my soul holds no thought foreign to the service of God and the honor of the King, in the firm belief that Your Excellency's great discretion and approved character will adopt the most harmonious proper measures. From the cautious procedure of the English it follows that until this year we have had no news from our capital: it follows also that without intending it, they have got the better of us, even when we believed that they were keeping the good faith set forth in the preliminaries of the convention of January 14 and 15 of the last year. It being the design of the King, as Your Excellency may see from the copy herewith, that we should fix our attention on the operations of the English of Carolina merely to check their plans and progress in the territory of our provinces, using force if necessary, and having applied to Your Excellency, as to the Viceroy of New Spain, for all that was needful for this purpose, I find myself under the necessity of recurring to Your Excellency, the only person that can give me the assistance I must have, with the promptness required by the present urgency. For without this assistance, it is clear I shall be able neither to offer any resistance, nor to take any satisfaction, since I lack sea forces, and therefore, stores, boats, and seamen for their organization. Florida, March 24, 1740. * Medtyb Vara: exactly which Vara i* meant here, there is of course no means of knowing. The Cuban Vara is iyi .386. Tr. *Presumably, without the naval resources for which Don Manuel is pleading. After closing the letter to Guemes, Montiano’s mind kept churning on his desperate situation.* He saw the encampments of the groups who had abandoned their villages.* By now, the city gate was probably locked at night, regardless of who was still outside. He felt closed in already, and could easily picture English ships sitting in the bar, blocking Montiano’s provisions and letters begging for help.* He began to plan for the actions he would take when and if some ships arrived.* They would sail into the St. Johns loaded with armed men.* He figured the English would evacuate the river rather than die for Oglethorpe’s greed.* Or at least they would evacuate the bend at St. Nicholas.* As soon as the enemy cleared, Montiano would built a fort at the bend, and hopefully another one on the opposite bank.* The fort would shelter the ships.* They would string chain or palisades along the channel to damage any enemy ship that tried to pass through.* If the English were not able to get past St. Nicholas on the river, Fort Pupo downstream was blocked from supplies and reinforcements.* The English would evacuate Fort Pupo without the Spaniards even having to attack them.* But as long as they had river access, Fort Pupo would grow and become an impregnable foe for St. Augustine, especially when the Uchees spread the news of St. Augustine’s despondency and inaction.* So Montiano got ready for the glorious moment he would see the small navy sail into his harbor.* He started counting his forces.* When he added the eight visiting companies to his 74 resident soldiers, they numbered 462 soldiers.* That wasn’t even counting the detachment at Apalache, which numbered 80 men.* He also had 61 militia, 40 free negroes and 50 Indians, all having signed the paper that said they will shed their last drop of blood for the Spanish crown.* This made 462 military personnel, plus 151 pledged fighters, for a grand total of 613 fighters.* Compared to the numbers reported on the English side, Montiano’s 613 only seemed like enough to secure the river.* But if Guemes sent another 100 militia, 100 mulattoes, and 100 negroes, with their own food and supplies, of course, Montiano could wipe La Florida clean of English intruders and their Indian payoffs.* Yet, even the vision of a ship full of men gave Montiano anxiety; he really did not trust that men would be sent with their own provisions.* The existing townspeople were already in dire straits with the rationing.* There was no other source of food beside that in the storehouse.* Actually, Montiano was not able to confidently judge how many men he needed because he did not have a clear picture of what he was up against.* His thousand attempts to capture an English prisoner for questioning had failed, and he still knew very little about the size and condition of their forces.* Nevertheless, Montiano had already gotten a strong feeling that a large armament would simply scare the English out of the area.* Spanish armaments brought a sense of formidable power, in Montiano’s eyes.* Despite their numbers, the English did not seem organized or dedicated enough to expose themselves to an attack, let alone take on a Spanish armada.* They would have to risk their entire force all at one time, which would be extremely unwise.* Meanwhile, the work on the Castillo was moving along, and the money allocated for it was running out.* To ask Guemes for money was an uncomfortable thought.* Not only was the money still due for three years of paychecks, but it was also a dangerous commodity to ship.* Whatever ship had the task of carrying cash was a prime target for pirates.* The Indians were short on firearms, which to be honest, greatly depleted the number of armed men Montiano could count in his forces.* There were probably extra guns lying around in Cuba and even Pensacola.* But Montiano had to ask for those as well.* Virtually every action Montiano wanted to take was dependent on Guemes sending him things.* Montiano was very sick of begging.* It was not what he imagined this leadership role to be.* Yet, the details had to get to Guemes somehow.* He grimly sat down to write one more letter to plea for supplies.* He apologized for being a pest.* He showered Guemes with praise of the Viceroy’s noble wisdom, valor, and dedication to God and country.* He re-stated his request for ships, sailors, and provisions for them.* He re-summarized his plan for controlling the St. Johns River from a new fort at St. Nicholas.* He created a chart of the number and types of personnel at his disposal.* He added the request for guns for his Indians.* He closed with a declaration that he was out of breath and courage to be a pest anymore.*

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy March 24th 1740 Sir, In my letter of the 23rd of last month I sent you all I had then heard had occurred, and among other subjects mentioned the idea of constructing a new fort on the river St Johnat a place named Mojoloa, to intercept the passage of the englishvessels, because the river there narrows and the channel runs so close to this side that they would be exposed to musket shot. And judging that such a project should not be put in practice without first ascertaining all Page: [43]42 [djvu image | jpg image] about the said parts, I sent the engineer Don Pedro Ruiz de Olanoescorted by the captain of cavalry Don Pedro Lamberto, 25 men of his company and ten picked Indians, that they might make a formal reconnoissance [recconnaisance]; and having left this garrison on the 9th inst. [instant] and returned on the 12th, the engineer has informed me that he has revisited the place carefully the place Mojoloaand that he found it in the same condition which he had related to me except that the space across the river had more water than he had said, and that he had observed the banks [added: boggy] for a half rod, notwithstanding that the spot was concealed; that with this knowledge he went to inspect the narrows of San Nicholasand found there that the solid earth extended on each side the distance of about a musket shot, and that no place was more suitable for the fort adding a chain or palisades to render the pass inaccessible; and according as circumstances may occur, another fort could be built on the other side, the fires of which would cross those of this, and thus establish the communication with Apalache. In respect to all this I must inform you that I cannot put my plans into execution without a maritime force; I send by this bilander of Ojedathe captain Don Manuel Montero de Villasentethat he might present to you all the difficulties of this enterprise without the said force, also the recovery of Pupo, the making ourselves masters of the river to aid us from here to Picalata; it being the nearest route from this place the Englishwould try to act on it. and though by land we might use the most active & energetic force, it is impossible that any advantageous result would follow us as long as the river was commanded by their vessels. Any other plan would be useless, and even it, if not adopted at the proper time, as the necesary [necessary] care and labour [labor] will retard its execution, I must use foresight to preserve and guard the preservation of the supplies we have, as without them we cannot subsist in this garrison; and when you learn that it is more than eight days since all that came here has been consumed, except a small quantity of goat's meat and beef, you will easily be persuaded that I ought to attend to nothing so much as the economy and judicious management of the supplies to not expose us to one of the most irreparable calamities. Page: [44]43 [djvu image | jpg image] In consideration of what I have hinted I would humbly supplicate you to favour [favor] me with the aid for which I begged you in the letter of the 23rd February, which is the only means which can contribute to or facilitate an honorable settlement and the other favorable consequences I have mentioned. I would repeat the particulars that the small vessels you shall send me may be manned by sailors commanded by a brave and intelligent man, and well provided with provisions, and that all that can be forwarded here with stores should come as quickly as possible, that the Englishmight not again succeed in occupying these coasts with their squadrons and we become then deprived of all communications. I sincerely assure you that I am alone stimulated by a nice sense of the honor resulting from the lustre of our arms, the glory of God first, the protection of these Provinces, and lastly the public welfare of this garrison. With these views I am not influenced by any interested motives, if you can entrust the management to any one in your confidence and favor, who without being subject to my orders will carry out the expedition [added: against Georgia] conformable to the plans projected since the equinox of March 1737, and will only be guided by my advice on the condition of the country, and my cooperation in yielding to him all the means and aid that I can, with the knowledge that I desire nothing more than to execute the best service to the king, and in this way you can arrange it with that great prudence & elevated talents which inspire you , and I promise to attend carefully and with the greatest pleasure to the rules and plans [added: with which] you will charge the person who will be entrusted with this operation, without altering them under any pretext, observing invioably [inviolably] with the same tone and harmony the regulations of the king for the effectual execution of the anterior premeditated enterprise, and to whatever else you may think necessary to the most useful advantageous attainment for the present, for I have no other object but the most favorable consequences for the service of God and of the king, with the firm belief that your great discretion and proper conduct will know to adopt the most concerted secure means. The great caution of the Englishhas [added: been] betrayed by the results that have reached us without advices [advises] from our court before this year, and from this arises that unexpectedly they might drive us out besides, although we are agreed to observe the good faith Page: [45]44 [djvu image | jpg image] promised in the convention of the 14 & 15 January of the past year. And it being the desire of the king, as you will learn from the adjoined copy, that we shall only watch the operations of the Englishto check their designs and progress on the territories of these provinces, opposing them in this case by force, I have recourse thus to you, as to the Virrey of New Spainto solicit all that may be necessary for this purpose, I find myself brought to the necessity of recurring to you who alone can give me the necessary aids, with the promptitude required and called for by the present urgency, because without them I cannot make any resistance nor retaliate without a maritime force, and consequently the means, vessels, and seamen which compose it. Manuel de Monitanoto J.F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes (192)

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy March 25th 1740 Sir I am sure that my continued importunities and petitions tend to give you much vexation, but at the same time I cannot conceal from your prudence, elevated talents & zeal for the royal service so many indispensable appeals for the care of necessities, the unfortunate condition and the misfortunes of this miserable garrison, which, if you do not relieve it promptly of its anguish and oppression, I believe will be in the future exposed to loss, and with these conjectures & the commenced progress of the enemy, it appears to me proper to intercept them in their advancement, and for this purpose you will please send small vessels to enter the river St. John, which will compel them to evacuate it, by which we will gain possession of the pass of St Nicholas, one or both side (which is best) and shelter the vessels by fortifying it, and narrow the river by a chain or palisades of heavy wood, by which undoubtedly they would evacuate Pupo, or be blockaded without the necessity of besieging it, because if left quiet now they will become impregnable, especially if the Ucheesdeclare for them who have witnessed our despondency and inaction. For this enterprize [enterprise] I have here the eight companies and the one belonging to the place, consisting of 462 men exclusive of the detachment of Apalachecomprising 80 men; besides these I have 60 militia, 40 free negroes and 50 Indians, as will be shown by the Page: [46]45 [djvu image | jpg image] adjoined schedule, which collected is only sufficient to secure the river, but if it appear to you right you can send 100 militia, 100 mulattoes, and 100 negroes, leaving to your judgment the whole arrangement that they might come according to the supplies you may send for the subsistence of all, as we are dependent solely on what is in this city and without an abundance of provisions we can undertake nothing. The misfortune of not having taken any prisoners prevents my telling you of the exact condition of their forces, for according to them this plan could be more knowingly arranged; but I am persuaded that when our armament arrives, they will believe [added: it] very powerful, and will not expose themselves to an attack, or venture to oppose it with all their forces. In case that you comply the pay for the reinforcements could be sent with all security, and if you resolve to send it I beg you to send at the same time some money to continue the works of this castle as that destined for it is about to be exhausted. And if you can find any firelocks for the Indians or could send them from Pensacola, I will thank you to send those that you can, as I have none to give them, nor breath to give you more trouble. Statement of the effective force actually in this place of Florida. Of the eight companies 308. Militia 61. Of the three of this place 080. Armed Indians 50. Of Artillery 032. Free Negroes 40. Of Cavalry 042. 151. 462. Total 613. (193)

Sir: I am convinced that my continued requests must be very annoying to Your Excellency; but I am also convinced that Your Excellency's prudence, lofty talents, and zeal in the royal service, will cause Your Excellency to forgive my frequent applications, on considering the necessities, the unhappy situation, and the misfortunes of this wretched garrison. If Your Excellency does not soon rescue it from its afflictions, I contemplate it as lost in the future. Under this view then, and with regard to the recent progress of the enemy, it seems proper to me that we should check it. And to that end, I beg Your Excellency to make the greatest effort to send small boats for service in the river of St. John's, thus compelling them to abandon it. This result can be accomplished by our seizing the pass of San Nicholas, one bank or the other, (as may suit), fortifying them as a shelter for the boats, and by closing the river with an estacade or chain of heavy timbers. All this done, I feel sure they would have either to abandon Pupo, or allow themselves to be blockaded without the necessity of a siege. If left alone, however, they will become inexpugnable, especially if the Uchises declare for them, which they will, on seeing our indifference and inaction. For this undertaking, we have here the men of the eight companies, and those of the fort, 462 in all excluding the detachment of Apalachee, 80 men; in addition, we have 60 militiamen, 40 free negroes, and 50 Indians, as appears from the return herewith. These men are sufficient, I take it, only to make the river sure. But with Your Excellency's consent, we could receive here (in order that regulars might not be wanting where of most importance) 100 militiamen, 100 mulattoes and 100 negroes, the entire disposition of this dependency remaining in Your Excellency's hands with respect to the stores that Your Excellency might send for the subsistence of all, seeing that we depend entirely for these upon your city, and that without them we can do nothing. Our unfortunate failure to take a single prisoner deprives me of the power of saying to Your Excellency exactly in what strength they are, else we might more intelligently develop this idea accordingly; but I believe that whenever they see our armament, they are compelled to regard it as very strong, and that they must not expose themselves at one time to the chances of risking all of their forces. Should Your Excellency think it safe to send the funds for the re-enforcements, and resolve to send them, I beseech Your Excellency on the same occasion to send some for continuing the work on the castle, for the amount in hand for this purpose is well-nigh exhausted. And if Your Excellency could find any muskets for Indians, or if it were possible to get them from Pensacola, I should be grateful to Your Excellency for the favor of sending me as many as you could, for I have none to give them, nor the courage to cause you any more annoyance. Florida, 25 March, 1740. Return of men who are actually available in the Plaza of Florida:Of the eight companies308Of the Militiamen61Of the three of this place080Armed Indians50Of Artillery032Free Negroes40Of Cavalry042151462Total613

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy April 27th 1740 Sir, I inform you that on the 14th inst. [instant] the six schooners of Don Juan Fandiñoand Don Francisco del Castillovery fortunately arrived at this port, for which I owe you many thanks. And at the same time I must inform you that on the morning of the next day I gave the canon [cannon] of [unclear: Crugia] in charge of four of them, I made a foresail Page: [47]46 [djvu image | jpg image] which had been returned, supplied them with many trifles, and supplied them all with arms. On the 18th two English frigates from the north were seen off this port. The 19th both maneuvered off this bar at the same point, north, they remained here all day and sent a boat for water which came near the point and shore of San Matheo([word(s) omitted]) and when they rested on their oars the Captain fired a canon [cannon], and seeing our two barges coming down on them, he fired other canon [cannon] shots and retreated. The 20th only one of the two frigates was seen at anchor off the bar. Don Juan Fandiño, Don Franco. [Don Francisco] del Castilloand the Pilot, encouraged by the retreat of one of the frigates, intended to surprise the one that remained in eight, and having arranged between the three the facility with which they could accomplish it, they proposed it to me with so much assurance, that I permitted them to undertake it, that they might not attribute to me the loss of this good luck, and I gave them leave to go out on the night of the same day with 50 men of the troops & three officers in the six schooners and the two barges well armed; after it grew dark the chief of the look-out on St Anastaciasucceeded in coming here, with information that he had discovered at dusk a bilander to the north, and with this news the chiefs of the schooners deferred their departure until the dawn. And having gone out from the bar to manoeuvre [maneuver], and seen that the frigate was alone and becalmed, they bravely approached it with the firm resolution to board, with the belief that she did not mount more 18 or 20 canons [cannons]; but they found, according to one, 32, according to others, 36, and opened a fire on her for two hours without being able to reach her poop or conquer her; and the wind arising from the east, our schooners commenced using their oars to get the weathergage [weather gauge] and with their Page: [48]47 [djvu image | jpg image] sails retreated to Matanzas and then from there the two barges came along the coast, without more injury than a ball of no consequence in one of the schooners, although the frigate tried very hard to command the coast, and for this purpose canonaded [cannonaded] furiously, but with effect. There is no doubt that had they gone out the same night, and they had had no time to prepare, as they had from dusk until half past eight, when they went out, they would have reduced her or driven her ashore, but the Englishmanoeuvred [maneuvered] so well that they could not approach her, for the oarsmen of her barge went slowly and took time to prepare themselves, while our people [added: were] fatigued by rowing there, and when they fired, they were bothered in getting at the sides instead of the poop, and although our schooners made many manoeuvres [maneuvers] they did not effect any thing. In this state they remained two hours exchanging grape shot from both sides. All her cabin was destroyed to arrange rudder guards which they should not have, for at the entrance of this port were births [berths], windows, tables and other fragments, also a canon [cannon] port knocked out by the canonade [cannonade]. They said that she had a large crew and regular troops with red uniforms. In this attempt Don Juan Fandiñoshowed his good conduct and bravery, having given the orders for each to perform for an honorable retreat; nor must I less give credit to Don Francisco del Castillofor bravery who was the only one who could attain the poop and put several shots in it drawing on him 14 from the frigate without any hitting him. All the officers of the [unclear: piquets] & of the place also distinguished themselves by the desire to be the first to board, and the soldiers and seamen, not less valorous shouted obstinately "let us board them." The artillery men of the place assured me that they bore themselves well, and made good shots. -- The frigate remains always in sight, apparently Page: [49]48 [djvu image | jpg image] the same that was in the action, and on the 24th another was seen from Matanzas which had run down from Cape Canaveral, and we dont know if she spoke her companion, and that which is now here, appears to be the one seen from Matanzas; and on the 26 a packet boat joined this one with information of what had happened to the other, and to advise her not to approach the coast least she might be becalmed, and it appears they intend to remain on this coast many days. Manl. [Manuel] de Montianoto J.F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes.

Sir: I communicate to Your Excellency the happy arrival on the 14th instant of the six galliots under the charge of Don Juan Fandino, and Don Francisco del Castillo, for sending which I offer you my repeated thanks. At the same time, I have to say to Your Excellency, that the next day we mounted broadside guns on four of them, made a foremast for one that had sprung hers, fitted them with many small parts, and repaired all the arms. On the 18th two English frigates came in sight from the north. On the 19th at dawn, they were both off the bar, at the same point of the compass, remaining in that neighborhood all day, and sending a boat for water to the vicinity of the point and coast of San Mateo. As the boat was resting on its oars, the flagship fired a gun, and on seeing our two launches making for it, fired another shot and withdrew. On the 20th, only one frigate could be seen; at dawn it was at anchor on the bar. Being encouraged by the withdrawal of one of the frigates, Don Juan Fandino, Don Francisco del Castillo, and the Pilot Don Domingo de la Cruz formed the plan of surprising the one remaining in sight; and having discussed among themselves the ease with which we could bring about its surrender, they laid the matter before me with so much assurance, that I authorized the under taking, with the' stipulation that I was not to be responsible for failure. On the night of the same day, 50 soldiers and 3 officers being ready to set out in the six galliots and the two launches well armed, it happened that after nightfall the lighthouse keeper of Santa Anastacia came in with the news of having discovered, as evening fell, a sloop to the north, which induced the Captains of the galliots to put off their departure until dawn. Crossing the bar, then, at dawn, and seeing that the frigate was alone and becalmed, they approached it with intrepidity with the firm intention of boarding it in the belief that it mounted only 18 or 20 guns. But discovering that it had according to some, 32, according to others, 36 guns, they fired on it about two hours ; and having failed during this time to take the poop, and not having brought on a surrender, and the wind coming on to blow out of the east, our galliots by sail and oar promptly executed the important maneuver of getting the weather gauge, and so made a lucky retreat by way of Mantanzas, and thence along the coast the two launches, with no damage other than a shot of no consequence in one of our galliots, in spite of the extreme efforts of the frigate to hug the coast so as to embarrass the entrance, firing vigorously but without result to secure this end. I have no doubt that if the boats had gone out the same night, and no warning had been given, as was the case from dawn until half past eight, when the affair began, the frigate would have been either surrendered or sunk; but the Englishman manuevered so skilfully, that he did not allow them to approach, for by towing out his ship, he kept on getting farther away and getting time for his preparations; while our people were exhausting themselves by pulling, and when they began to fire, he boldly presented his broadside, without giving them a chance at his poop, and so in spite of their various manuevers, they never got it. And in this condition they fired at each other for more than two hours, grapeshot crossing from both sides. He dismantled his entire cabin to mount a few stern-chasers, which he could not have had, because here he used cabin doors, windows, tables, and other pieces, and a gun port carried away by a cannon shot. They say he had a large crew and regular troops in red uniforms. In this attempt Don Juan Fandino displayed good leader ship and valor having given in advance the orders for each man's duties in an honorable retreat ; Don Francisco de Castillo gave proof of no less valor, being the only one who succeeded in attacking the poop, and firing a few shots into it; he received 14 shots himself, all of which missed him. All the other officers of the parties and of the garrison distinguished themselves equally, each one wishing to be the first to board, and the soldiers and sailors no less valoriously cried out in competition "Let us board!" The artillerymen of the garrison assure me they did their duty well, and made good practice. A frigate has remained constantly in view, and seems to be the one of the affair just described ; on the 24th another one was seen from Matanzas, returning probably from a cruise as far as Cape Canaveral. We do not know that it has spoken its companion : the one now present seems to be one seen from Matanzas. It was joined on the 26th by a despatch boat which probably came to report what had happened to the other, and to notify it to keep away from the coast, so as not to be becalmed. According to all appearances, they are going to keep off this port many days. Florida, April 27, 1740.

On the night of the 9th inst., the sloops of Marcos de Torres, and ours under the charge of Don Domingo de la Cruz left this port : the first on its way to that city (Habana), the second having the colony of Guarico as its destination, and carrying 6 thousand dollars in coin to be laid out in flour and other stores for the support and maintenance of this garrison. Last night at one o'clock a soldier arrived here from the watch on the bar of Matanzas, with sad news to the effect that Pedro de Echeverria, the master of the said Marco de Torres's sloop had come to that point (Matanzas), to say that our sloop, at dawn of the 10th was about 2 or 3 leagues beyond the bar of Mosquitoes, and close to a frigate carrying, it seemed to him, 40 guns. The frigate, being inshore opened fire ; our sloop defended itself with valor, returning the fire : when the frigate gave chase, and drove our sloop aground a little on this side of the said bar. On the 10th I sent Your Excellency by way of Matanzas bar, the schooner of Bartilome de Espinosa, with the sublieutenant Don Joseph de Rivas aboard carrying despatches, duplicates of which are inclosed, setting forth the desperate state in which we find ourselves through lack of supplies. This new unhappy occurrence compels me to lay before you the fact that we are in extreme want, without food, and besieged by sea. For as there are on this bar one frigate and a despatch boat, seen the nth and 12th, and another frigate is stationed in the channel off Cape Canaveral on this coast, it follows infallibly that no small boats sent by Your Excellency can reach us. Under these circumstances, we have decided in a meeting just held to send Your Excellency a galliot with this news, so that knowing the unhappy extremity to which we have come, Your Excellency may see fit eagerly to succor us with the greatest possible amount of supplies in vessels strong enough to cope with the three on our coast, for in no other way do I see any help, and consequently an irreparable calamity is hanging over us. It is my duty to tell Your Excellency that for the present this will be the last despatch on our unhappy state that I shall be able to send, because, fearing lest the English intend assaulting us by sea, I can assure Your Excellency that I have no force for the defense of this bar, and that of Matanzas, other than the galliots. And noting that against the attack of any small boat whatever they may have in the Keys, our remaining launch is insufficient, we have used one of the six galliots to cross over to that port (Habana) and carry our melancholy news. Through authentic reports of affairs in Apalachee, Your Excellency will understand that in order to keep the Indians faithful to us, or at least prevent them from joining either side, nothing is of such great value as the maintenance of the storehouse, furnishing all necessaries in abundance. With regard to both of these points, I beseech Your Excellency out of your great zeal in the service of the King, to make the most ample provision, to the important end of terminating both emergencies, at the very earliest date, seeing that in its present state, the preservation of this place depends solely on the succor of Your Excellency, because without supplies it is not possible that we shall preserve our lives. It is unnecessary to exaggerate to Your Excellency the agony of our situation, for in respect of the amount of supplies in hand, and of the fact that the population of this city exceeds 2,400, Your Excellency will easily perceive that we most urgently need help at the first possible moment. Saint Augustine, in Florida, May 13, 1740. Postscript. I omitted to say to Your Excellency, that from a post sent to Apalachee on the 13th of April to find out the state of the Uchises, and back here after great effect on the 10th instant, by reason of the numerous Indian allies of the English distributed over the whole country, I have learned that an English sloop at Cayo de Huesos* gave chase to Pablo Rod-riguez on his way with supplies to that fort (Apalachee); that the sloop going aground, and so being unable to pursue the other, sent against Pedro Rodriguez an armed launch with 12 men on board, among them several Indians, against which he defended himself with his two stone-mortars, and escopette, and succeeded in getting clear, although wounded in the breast with a musketball. I am anxious to point out to Your Excellency, that they are holding even that coast, perhaps to cut off assistance sent to Apalachee. * Key West.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy (The following letter was translated from another manuscript copy of the Archives of St Augustine; & not having been included in the first, is not placed in proper order) (198 May 13th 1740 Sir On the 9th inst. [instant] there went out from this port the bilander of Marcos de Torres, and ours under the command of Don Domingo de la Cruz; the first to pursue her voyage to your place, and the second destined for the Colony of Guarico, carrying six thousand dollars to buy flour and other provisions for the subsistence of this place, and at the begining [beginning] of the night a soldier came here from the watch-tower of the bar of Matanzaswith the sad news that Pedro de Echeverriamaster of the bilander of the said Marcos de Torreshad come to that place, stating that on the morning of the 10th our bilander was sailing two or three leagues beyond the bar of Mosquitosvery close to a frigate which seemed to carry 40 canons [cannons]; and that the frigate being on the land side began to fire and the bilander to defend herself bravely; and having captured her, she gave chace [chase] to the bilander of Marcosuntil they forced him to run her aground this side of the said bar. On the 10th I sent you, by the bar of Matanzas, the schooner of Bartme. [Bartalome] de Espinosa, and in her the 2nd lieutenant Don Joseph de Rivaswith a note for you, the duplicate of which accompanies this, showing to you the distress we are in from the want of provisions; and with this new fatal success of the enemy I find myself obliged to declare to you that we are in the extremest misery, without means of subsistence and blockaded by sea; for off this bar are a frigate and a packetboat, which have shown themselves on the 11th & 12th and another frigate is stationed of [off] the Cape Carnaveralon this coast; and thus it is certain that no small vessels you may send me can come here; under these circumstances we have agreed in a council of war to send you a schooner with this news; because with the knowledge of the extreme condition to which we have come, you will be pleased to send us succor by the greatest quantity of provisions possible in vessels of sufficient force to resist the three vessls [vessels] on this coast, for no other method of remedying it presents itself, and consequently an irreparable desolation will be spread over this place. I must inform you that this is the last news that I can send to you of the lamentable condition in which we are, for we fear that the Englishwill attack us by sea, and I assure you that I have no other force to defend this bar and that of Matanzasthan the two schooners, and the barge that has [deleted: been] left us not being sufficient to guard against an attack of the small vessels of the enemy that may be stationed among the keys, we have sent one of the six schooners to carry this melancholy news to you. From the authentic account sent from Apalacheyou will learn, that to keep in our side the Indians, or at least to make them remain neutral, nothing is so influential as a shop furnished with an abundance of all necessaries, and with a knowledge of these two subjects I supplicate you to do me the favor, with your great zeal in the service of the king, to despatch the most effective means for the important object to remedy both these pressing wants in the shortest time possible; because in its present condition this place depends solely on your aid for its preservation, as being without provisions it is impossible for us to preserve our lives. I avoid making hyperboles or exaggerations to you of the trouble in which we are, for knowing the quantity of provisions here and [added: the] the people that compose this population surpass 2400 you will understand, with your great discretion, the urgent necessity we have to be succored [succored] with the greatest possible despatch. P.S. I had forgot to say to you that from a courier I sent [deleted: from] to Apalachethe 13 of April I learn the condition of the Ucheesand that he had hard work to come here by the 10th of this month on account of the number of Indians friendly to the English, who had overrun the whole country; he brought the news that Pablo Rodriguezwho came with provisions to this fort was chased by an Englishbilander near Key West(Cayo [added: de] Huesos[added: Cayo de Huesos, key of bones, so called from the number of human bones found on it by the first Spanishdiscoveries. It is said that two tribes of Indians chose this island to settle an old feud by battle, and their remains thus gave a name to the island- it is now called by the EnglishKey West, and by the Spanish, still, Cayo Huesoor bone key.]) which run ashore, and not being able to follow, Pablo Rodriguezsent a piragua with 12 men and among them some Indians against whom they defended themselves with their two swivels and one firelock, and he escaped from them, although wounded in the breast by a ball; to fulfill my duty, I inform you that unless we occupy this coast it will be by chance that succor will come from Apalache- Manuel de Montianoto J.F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy May 15th 1740 Sir At this hour, seven in the morning, at which the schooner undertook to go out, two men from the bilander of Marcosreturned to this place, saying, that the Englishhad taken our bilander , had put a crew on board from her own, and placed her to the leeward of the bar of Peñon, so close to the land that in the quiet of the night they heard the murmur of those who spake [spoke] on board. With this news I have deferred the departure of the schooner, and have sent a Spaniardand three Indians in a canoe to the keys by the inside passage from which it is easy for the Indians to pass their small canoe by [added: the] skids, that they might go to key Biscayenor Matacumbe, to use a fishing boat to transport them to your port, and failing in this, to solicit the Cacique Don Diegothat he might aid them in this important affair, for which end I wrote him a courteous letter with the most endearing expressions; for they count much on these friendly demonstrations. And I must tell you that if these two frigates, the packet boat and the bilander do not return from this coast, we cannot communicate any news, unless vessels of force come to this port, for the route by the keys is doubtful and dangerous, and besides there are few Indians in these parts who can execute the task. And with the belief that you will well understand that this Page: [50]49 [djvu image | jpg image] place has no [added: other] means of subsistence than the aid and supply of provisions at the least for 6 months, which you could send to us in vessels of force; for, as to myself, I cannot say if they will be of use to use to us if the aid does not come, at the latest on the 20th June, it seems natural that this garrison will perish. In this letter you [added: have] the duplicate of the sheet which Don Joseph de Ribes carries. Manl. [Manuel] de Montianoto D. J. F. [Don Juan Francisco] de Guemes.

Although Montiano’s letter is dated the 13th, the government schooner apparently did not set sail that day or the next.* It started to pull out the morning of the 15th, but was stopped by incoming news.* At seven o’clock in the morning, two men of Torres's sloop arrived.* They said the English took Torres’s sloop and put their own crew on board.* Somehow, the Spaniards got off the sloop.* That night, the English anchored it downwind from the bar of Penon.* They anchored so close to the shore, and the night air was so quiet and still, that the Spaniards onshore could hear the English talking from the sloop.* Echieverra might not have been around to see this, because he had shown up at Matanzas without these details.* When Montiano heard this, he lost all faith that the government schooner would make it past the blockade.* Now, the English controlled Florida’s east coast with two frigates, a dispatch boat, and Marcos de Torres’s schooner.* He canceled the departure of the government schooner.* Instead, he came up with a plan to send his cries for help by a canoe in the river, the entire length of Florida.* He ordered a Spaniard to go in the canoe with Indians.* They must stay in the Intracoastal all the way to the Keys.* They could use skids to carry the canoe across any shoals.* When they reached Biscayne Key or Matacumbe, they were to try to find a fishing boat to transport them to Havana.* If that didn’t work, they were to ask the Cacique Don Diego to undertake this important matter.* Montiano wrote a letter to Cacique Don Diego explaining his needs.* He expressed the greatest affection to the chief, because had had learned how important it was to Indians see and hear displays of friendship.* Montiano added another letter to the batch the canoe was taking to Guemes.* He told Guemes about losing Marcos de Torres’s schooner, about canceling the departure of the government schooner, and about the alternate attempt by canoe.* He pointed out that the English now controlled the east coast with four boats.* He again said this will be the last report he tries to send because it’s just too dangerous, even for the Indians.* He said that if Guemes does not send food in vessels strong enough to get through the blockade by June 20th, it would be the most natural thing in the world that the St. Augustine garrison would perish, or at least be useless in their duties.* Montiano had to feel absolutely hopeless as he wrote the letter.* His prediction of the date starvation would set in would come up sooner than the canoe could possibly complete its journey.* Montiano had a hard time finding Indians to take the assignment.* The way was dangerous, more so from hostile Indians than from Florida’s snakes and alligators.* It was also doubtful they could really get the canoe through the marshland that covered much of the Intracoastal.* Nevertheless, Montiano managed to get one Spanish soldier and three Indians into the canoe.* Although his letter is dated May 15th, he says in his June 11th letter that the canoe did not leave until May 25th.* Nevertheless, he bundled all the letters to Guemes together, including copies of previous letters that very well could be lost, and copies of the Apalache statements from Don Joseph de Rivas.* Once again, he handed his pleas for help over to a boat captain.* This time, it was a canoe that carried his mail.* And they paddled away on their long, long journey down the Intracoastal Waterway.*

Sir: At this hour, being seven of the morning, at which the galliot was just about to sail, there arrived two men of Torres' sloop with the news that the English who took our sloop, have put a crew on board, and have posted her to the leeward of the bar of Penon so close to the shore, that in the quiet and silence of the night, conversation aboard can be heard. And so I have suspended the departure of the galliot, and have arranged to send a Spaniard and three Indians in a small canoe to the Keys, by the inside coast channel, where it will be easy for the Indians to take the little canoe across the shoals ;* on arriving at Biscayne Key or at Matacumbe, they are to try to find a fishing boat, to transport them to that Port (Habana) or failing that, to ask the Cacique Don Diego to undertake this important matter, to which end I wrote him a letter of direction of the greatest affection, because they set great store by these friendly displays. I feel it my duty to say to Your Excellency that unless those two frigates, the despatch boat and the sloop withdraw from this coast, we ,shall be unable to send any reports, so long as strong vessels do not come from that port (Habana), because the way through the Keys is uncertain and dangerous, besides which; there are but few Indians in those parts with whom these matters can be carried on. While on this subject, I give Your Excellency clearly to understand that this place now contains no other resources for its subsistence than the provisions for at least six months, that Your Excellency can send in strong vessels. I have no expedient left that is of any value and unless help can come by June 20 at the latest, it is the most natural thing in the world that this garrison perish. Saint Augustine, in Florida, May 15, 1740. In this letter were sent duplicates of the despatches taken by Don Joseph de Rivas. *Varaderos. None of the usual meanings of this word applies here. It may mean "portage." Tr.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy June 11th 1740 Sir The 25th of the last month I sent you by a soldier and three Indians coastwise the news the news contained in the adjoined duplicate, and one of the indians having returned with three balls in him on the 4th inst. [instant] informed me that the Indians of Mayacahad killed the soldier and his two companions in Gega; and a mayoral of Espinosahas since brought the news that at San Diego, while his master and other labourers [laborers] were at work in the fields they were surrounded by 50 indians friendly to the English, giving them a discharge of musketry by which they wounded a dragoon and a negro of Espinosa, but that all escaped into the fort except a negro of the convent of Sn [San] Franciscowho went into the woods, and who believe dead, and the Indians not having succeeded in taking any one retreated; on which occasion I sent a sergeant and 12 men with a surgeon that they might convey the wounded, and if necessary, leave some of the men as a reinforcement to repair the place; and the seargent [sergeant] not having returned in two days, I sent a leader of a squad of cavalry with six men, to learn what had occurred and return the same day, and he says he could not reach the fort, for the enemy did not give him room being scattered about, and having sent other scouts none has brought me certain information if the fort has fallen, or still belongs to us; on this occasion I called a council of war of the captains and resolved to send a detachment of 300 men of the eight companies of the place, of cavalry of militia, Indians and Page: [51]50 [djvu image | jpg image] negroes under the command of the captains Don Miguel de Ribas, Don Fulgencio de Alfaro, and Don Pedro Lamberto, with 4 schooners, one barge and 4 piriaguas which carry the Infantry and two canons [cannons] that if the fort required to be battered, they could [deleted: beat] demolish one side and retake or succor it, but the captains, being informed of the number of the enemy that were drawn up, fearing them to be much superior to our detachment, returned to this place. I have since received news by another scout, that they had fortified the fort, and besides that their small parties had repeatedly and frequently been seen a league from here, which makes me believe they have a large force, and that at San Diegothey have a storehouse of provisions and arms to undertake the siege of this place; and I am sure they have seen five vessels besides the two, which for a long time have kept in view of this bar and Matanzas. With the present news, and almost the condition of a siege, I send to you by the barge in the bar of the Mosquitoswaiting for aid, that you advise me by the same barge if you are disposed to send me succor ; for in consequence of this condition of things and of the straightened state of this garrison, you will have to succor it with the greatest quickness, and, if you can, by vessels of force which will overcome those of the enemy, as I doubt if you can introduce aid by any other way, nor that we can subsist much longer without supplies and straightened by the enemy on sea and land; then though 7 vessels have as yet been seen, I am sure that the Vizarra the San Juan & the Pingue could resist this force, some of them appearing to have been merchantmen P.S. So many things occur to keep me occupied that I cannot answer the letters from you by the barge nor the preceeding [preceding] ones which I have commenced. As the bar of Matanzasis not occupied there will be a force there to resist as much as possible with three schooners and land troops. Manuel de Montianoto J.F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes.

Sir: On the 25th ultimate, I sent Your Excellency by a soldier of this garrison and three Indians of the coast, the news contained in the duplicate herewith. One of these Indians returned on the 4th, with three gunshot wounds, and the news that the Indians of Mayaca slew the soldier and two of his companions at Gega. Since then, I learn in addition from a foreman of Espinosa's, that while his master and some other workmen were busy at San Diego on field works, 50 Indian allies of the English suddenly surrounded them, firing a volley into them, and so killing one trooper and a negro of Espinosa's. Nevertheless the others managed to get into the fort, except a negro of the monastery of Saint Francis, who took to the woods. Him they consider dead. The Indians having failed to capture anyone withdrew. These things being so, I took the resolution of sending a sergeant and 12 men with a surgeon, to bring back the wounded, and if necessary, to leave some people as reenforcement, and then return. The sergeant not having returned in two days, I sent a corporal of cavalry with six men, to discover anything that might have occurred since in those parts. He returned the next day, saying that he was unable to reach the fort, the enenay.by spreading out; far and wide having given him no chance. .Having then sent; out other scouts, not one brought me any formal news as to whether the fort was taken, or was still holding out. The captains were then called together in a council, and it was resolved to send a detachment of 300 men from the eight companies, from three of the place, militiamen, Indians and negroes, under Captain Don Miguel de Ribas, Don Fulgencio de Alfaro, and Don Pedro Lamberto, with four galliots, one launch, and 4 pirogues, to transport the troops and carry two guns in case it was necessary to batter the fort, demolish a side of it, and recover or succor it. But the captains having learned that the enemy, drawn up waiting for us, was much superior in numbers to our detachment, withdrew to this place. I have since learned by another scout, that they were strengthening the fort. And others who frequently reiterate, say that their small parties are at a league from here; which makes me think they are present in force, and that they are establishing storehouses at San Diego for food and stores, in preparation for the siege of this place. I am persuaded of this too from their having shown to-day five vessels in addition to the two that have now been watching this bar and that of Matanzas for a long time. With this news, proof, as it were of a siege, I am compelled to report these occurrences to Your Excellency by the launch that I am keeping on the bar of Mosquitoes waiting for the succor, which by the same launch Your Excellency told me you were going to send. For informed of them, and of the desperate strait in which this garrison finds itself, Your Excellency may be good enough to succor it at the earliest moment by sending strong vessels to overcome those of the enemy. I doubt very much if help can be got in in any other way, or if we can exist much longer without supplies, shut in by the enemy on sea and land. Although the vessels so far seen are seven, I firmly believe that the Vizarra, the San Juan and the Pingue can resist their force, since some of their vessels appear to us to be merchant. Saint Augustine, in Florida, June II, 1740. Postscript to the letter proper. Sir: I am so occupied with business, that I cannot answer Your Excellency's letters received in the launch, nor others, answers to which have been begun. As they are not occupying the bar of Matanzas, there yet remains a means of succor, and we shall there make all possible resistance with three galliots and land troops.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy June 24th 1740 Sir Considering that, in case this arrives in time, it will be of some importance to the end, that on reflection on its contents you will use the most regulated measures, I inform you that the enemy Page: [52]51 [djvu image | jpg image] command this bar, that of Matanzas, the island of St. Anastasiaand its watch-tower, and all the coast from the shores of St Matheo([word(s) omitted]) and have their camp in the Pueblo of Moze. We are besieged by 7 frigates of 23 to 30 canons [cannons]; 2 packet boats of 10 to 12; 3 bilanders [bilanders]; 6 schooners and 12 barges, exclusive of the boats and barges of the said vessels. And at this hour, 9 A.M., they have undertaken to fire on us from a mortar of grenades of which some of the shells have fallen into the castle, and the most have passed to the land as far as the lines, some farther. I cannot express to you the confusion of this place, because [deleted: it] here the only defence [defense] is its fortress, and all the rest is open country; the families have left their houses and have taken shelter below the artillery which is pitiable to behold; but nothing gives me anxiety save the failure of provisions, and if, from the want of competent force, you cannot aid us, we must perish, for we have no other resource. In this condition of things I am sure that hyperboles are not required to depict the conflict in which we find ourselves, and I hope you will give all your attention to make the necessary means to suspend a so great danger, which is marked with so much gravity, and is of so much consequence to the service of the king. Manuel de Montiano- to J.F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes.

Sir: Considering that in case this arrives in time to be of any benefit, Your Excellency may, after reflection upon its contents, take the most suitable measures, I give notice that the enemy remains stationed on this bar, and on that of Matanzas, and is in possesion of the Island of Santa Anastacia, and its watch-tower, of all the beach of San Mateo, and maintains a camp at the village of Moze. The ships blockading us are seven frigates of 23 to 30 guns, two packets of 10 or 12 guns, three sloops, six schooners, and twelve scows exclusive of boat, and launches belonging to the vessels. At this moment, which is nine o'clock in the forenoon, they have opened with a mortar firing large shell (granadas reales) a few splinters of which have fallen into the fort, but most of them have passed over the lines, and beyond them. I assure Your Excellency that it is impossible to express the confusion of this place, for we have here no protection except the fort, and all the rest is open field. The families have abandoned their houses, and come to put themselves under protection of the guns, which is pitiable, though nothing gives me anxiety but the want of provisions, and if Your Excellency for want of competent force, cannot send relief, we must all indubitably perish. With this information, I am assured Your Excellency will excuse the hyperboles in which the conflict we are in, may be portrayed, and I hope every attention will be given to measures conducing to relieve this eminent peril, as a matter of such moment, and of the first service to the King. St. Augustine, in Florida, 24th June, 1740. * Translation from Southern Quarterly Review, April, 1844, p. 406, and used here after many corrections and alterations. Tr.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy July 6th 1740 Sir The 24th of last month I sent you a correct account, by the way of Apalache, of the siege of this place by the Englishby sea and by land, the duplicate of which accompanies this; and I have now to inform you that at 11 o'clock of Saturday night, the 25th of the same month, 300 men sallied from this garrison to attack the fort of Moze, and Having approached it on Sunday and reduced it fortunately, dashing on with so much impetuosity, that in the action, which was the attack, they killed 68 men and took 34 prisoners. I have learned that the body of men maintained in that place was 140 according to some, and 170, according to others; that they were composed of a company of Scotchmilitia of 72 men including Page: [53]52 [djvu image | jpg image] officers, 15 Infantry, 40 Cavalry, and 35 Yucheesor Uchices, Indians with a white man for chief, that this detachment or garrison was commanded by Colonel Palma(Palmer) who with his son, we have certain assurances, were killed in the action; an Indian prisoner affirms that he saw Colonel Palmakilled, and without a head, and believes, though he did not see it, that his two sons were likewise killed, for he saw their hats in our possession. On our side 10 were killed, among them the ensign Don Joseph de Aguilera, and having obeyed the orders to demolish the fort, they buried the dead. From enquiries made of the prisoners three or four have agree in their testimony that they had received both verbal news and by gazettes that they prepared in Englanda considerable armament against Havana, composed of 30 ships of the line with ten thousand men to disembark; it is to send you this news that I have despatched this express, as it may be important for the royal service. The prisoners also declare that the armament that blockades us consists of 7 frigates, one of 50 canons [cannons] called the Bermuda, another of 40, another of 27, and the others of 20; and that they do not know the number of the packetboats, bilanders [bilanders] nor of the other numerous boats. The number of the men in the armament is made to vary, for some count it 2000, others, 1500, 1200, and others 900; and that in their bateries [batteries] they have among others three 18 bronze pounders brought from the Carolinas. Until this day they have made no attack, but from the action of Mozeit appears that they have moved from San Matheo, and have collected all in the island of San Anastasius, where they have planted eleven small mortars, two of 20 pound grenades (quintal) and 9 of smaller size; with which and other larger from the coast of San Matheo, in all 12, they fired on the 30th June from 6 in the afternoon until 10 at night. My greatest anxiety is for provisions, and if they do not come there is no doubt of our dying by the hands of hunger. Page: [54]53 [djvu image | jpg image] Since the commencement of their fire to this day they have showered on us 122 shells of royal size and 31 small ones, from which, glory be to God, we have received no corporeal damage. In the island of St Anastasiathey have erected a battery of 5 canons [cannons], 3 of 18 pounders and 2 of 8; the first to beat down this castle and place, the others for the schooners, the fire from them is incessant but ours corresponds to it, and we have heard that they receive more injury than we do. On the 1st inst. [instant] they sent a parley with a white flag, their demands are included in the three accompanying letters, to which we replied, ours being also included in the letters to you; and since then until now they have increased their fire, but in vain, for it appears that God has given greater accuracy to ours. The advance guard has found four more dead men killed in the action of Moze(Moosa?) two white and two Indians. By a deserter who came here on the 14th of last month we learn that Genl [General] Ogelthorpebrought 900 men, 300 of his regulars and 600 Carolina militia; he did not know if more were coming from Virginiaor other parts; that the CarolinaMilitia had joined for 4 months, but the prisoners at Mozesay that if it required a year to reduce this place, Genl. [General] Ogelthorpewould compel them to stay until its reduction. Manuel de Montiano, to J.F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes. (204)

Sir : On the 24th ultimate, I sent Your Excellency by way of Apalachee an accurate account of the siege by sea and land of this place by the English, a duplicate of which I enclose.* I have now to inform Your Excellency, that at eleven o'clock on the night of Saturday the 25th of June, I sent out from this garrison, 300 men to make an attack on the fort of Moze, which was executed at day-break on Sunday morning. Our people swept over it, with such impetuosity that it fell, with a loss of 68 dead, and 34 prisoners. I have ascertained that the garrison of this place, consisted of 140 men according to some of the prisoners, and of 170 according to others. It was composed of one militia company of Scotchmen, 70 men, including officers, of 15 infantry, 40 horsemen, and 35 Indians, Yaches and Uchices, with a white man for chief. This detachment or garrison was commanded by Colonel (Palma) who with one of his sons was evidently left dead in the action. An Indian prisoner affirms positively that he saw Colonel Palma dead, and his head cut off. He further infers that both of his sons were dead, though he did not see them dead ; because he saw their hats in the hands of our people; of whom ten have died, among them the Ensign, Don Joseph de Aguilera.* The affair being terminated, I ordered the fort to be demolished, and the dead buried. From such investigation as I have been able to make among the prisoners, I have acquired the following news. Three or four prisoners agree in saying, that both by rumor and by gazette, they have learned of the preparation in England of a considerable expedition against Havana, consisting of 30 ships of the line, and of a landing party of 10,000 menand I am sending this despatch to give you this information as possibly of great importance to the service of the King. Of the armament besieging us, the prisoners say it is composed of 7 frigates, one of 50 guns from Bermuda, another of 40, another of 27, and the rest of 20; the number of despatch boats, bilanders, or of other small boats they do not know. They vary in their estimate of the main body of troops, some putting it at 2,000 others at 1,500, or 1,200, and still others at 900. In respect of batteries, they have brought among others, three bronze 18-pounders from Carolina. Up to to-day they have made no assault, but it would seem that by reason of the blow at Moze, they have all assembled on the Island of Santa Anastacia, where they have collected eleven small mortars, two of them for shells of half a quintal, and the other 9 for smaller ones. With these, and one other larger one formerly on the coast of San Matheo, 12 in all, they fired on us the 30 of June, from 6 in the evening, until 10 at night. My greatest concern is for supplies, and if we get none, there is no doubt we shall die of hunger. *From the beginning of the fire up to this day they have thrown 122 large shell and 31 small, from which, glory be to God, we have received no corporal injury. On the Is-land of Santa Anastacia, they have emplaced a battery of 5 guns, three of 18 and two of 6-pounders, the first to batter the fort and town, and the others for the galliots, and with them they make incessant fire; but ours answers them, and we are informed that they receive more damage than our selves. On the first day of the month, after beating a call, they sent us a white flag, with three letters, making a demand the nature of which Your Excellency will perceive by their tenor. Our answer Your Excellency will learn from the enclosures ; and from that day they have fired with increased vigor, but in vain, for it appears that God has given greater accuracy to our fire. My outposts have found four more men killed in the affair of Moze, two of them white, the others Indian. From a deserter that arrived here on the 14th ultimate, we learn that General Oglethorpe brought 900 men, 300 of his regiment of regulars, and 600 Carolina militia ; that it was unknown if others would come to him from Virginia or other parts; that the Carolina militia came supplied for four months. But the prisoners of Moze say that even if necessary to remain one year before this place, General Oglethorpe will do it, until he subdues it. Saint Augustine, in Florida, July 6, 1740. *This paragraph and the next may be found in .Southern Quarterly Review of April, 1844, p. 409. *This extract is to be found in Southern Quarterly Review for April, 1844, p. 406; it is used here with many corrections and alterations.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy July 13, 1740 Sir By a deserter who came here from St. AnastasiaI have learned that the frigates of the armament are six in number; the admiral's ship of 40 canons [cannons] with two hundred men, and the other of 20 with 150 men; the deserter said that he had not been on board, but had heard this from some of their seamen. As this news may be of service to you I send it that you may reflect on it, and what the prisoner said of the Frigate Bermuda of 50 Page: [55]54 [djvu image | jpg image] canons [cannons], and another of 40 of which he did not know the location. I must inform you that when the prisoner told me this, he said he had not visited the vessel of 50 canons [cannons], but that a frigate was anchored in front of the bar of St John'sand that the Genl. [General] said it was the Bermuda of 50 canons [cannons]. Manuel de Montianoto J.F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes. (205)

Sir: From a deserter crossing over from the island of Santa Anastacia I have just learned that the frigates of the squadron are six in number, the flagship of 40 guns, and two hundred men ; and the remainder of 20 with one hundred and fifty men. The deserter declared he had not been on board of any of them, but that he had got his account from some sailors with whom he had talked. I send this to Your Excellency to weigh any significance it may have ; so that, with reference to it, and to the statement of the prisoner that there was a frigate of 50 guns from Bermuda, and another of 40 or origin unknown to him, Your Excellency may draw the conclusion that seems best to you, premising that when the said prisoner made this remark, he said he had not seen the 50-gun frigate but that a frigate having anchored before the bar of St. John's, the General told them she was from Bermuda and carried 50 guns. Saint Augustine, in Florida, July 13, 1740.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy July 28th 1740 Sir The 6th inst [instant] I informed you by the Adjutant Don Juan Jacinto Rodriquezof all that occurred until then. The night of the next day Don Luis Gomezcame to this place with the news that 3 bilanders [bilanders] one small one and 2 schooners with provisions sent by you had entered the Mosquitobar, under the command of Juan de Oxeda, and consigned to the care of Captain Manuel de Villasante. The pleasure which this news gave me is indescribable, but this joy excited my heart for but a short while, for I have been informed that Pedro Chapuzhaving approached in front of this bar with the french bilander , a frigate and packet boat boarded him, they did not injure him, but got news of our supplies and of its landing place; it happened at the same time that a deserter came form the enemy's camp, who assured me that it being spring-tide this night Genl [General] Ogelthorpewould attempt to advance on this place by sea and by land; on account of this news I have stopped the preparations I was making to transport the provisions little by little here, and apply myself solely to the object of resisting whatever attempts his pride and arrogance may prompt him to make, but the proper days are passed without the execution of his projects, and I turned my attention to the vessels with our supplies which were in a great danger, and only by the barges and boat were they unloaded of the provisions to be secured in this place; for though I likewise sent with them a piriagua of a large size for the same purpose, it happened that in going by the bar, four boats & barges, Page: [56]55 [djvu image | jpg image] on frigate and one packetboat sallied, and surrounded them and attacked the small ones; but ours defended themselves without flinching from four o'clock in the afternoon until night, they had the misfortune to lose the piriagua which was cut to pieces by the barges; and transfering [transferring] her crew they continued the voyage and happily returned loaded with flour; pursuing this task until releived [relieved]. For the enemy having struck their tents on the 20th inst. [instant] and shamefully fled with precipitation, I sent an order to our bilanders [bilanders] to examine carefully if the country were free and the coast unoccupied they might undertake the voyage and enter Matanzas with safety; and on the 25th and on this day I have finished the entire discharge of the bilander Campecheana and of the [added: two] schooners, and I ordered Palomarezthe captain of one of them to hasten with this news to you. I assure you that I cannot comprehend the conduct nor the rules of this General, for I have been informed by 12 deserters from him in this place, that his camp was composed of 370 soldiers of his regiment, 600 Carolina militia, 130 Indians, 200 Sailors who were encamped and armed on St Anastasia, and of as many more seamen from the bilanders [bilanders], schooners and barges. I am surprised above measure that this gentleman should have retreated so precipitately as to leave behind 4 canons [cannons] six pounders in the battery of San Matheo, one schooner, two barrels of gun powder and several guns and swordbelts, and burned a diversity of provisions as boxes of bacon, cheese and butter, dried beef, rice and beans, one schooner and a beautiful gun carriage for a mortar, leaving other trifles which the Indians and convicts have taken, some of them had the good fortune to find several barrels of butter and flour and some bacon. Notwithstanding what I have mentioned I assure you that all the deserters and two Indians make prisoners say uniformly that Mr. James Ogelthorpehas gone Page: [57]56 [djvu image | jpg image] for reinforcements and to still greater excite the Indians; and yet I compare this rumour [rumor] with an idea that helps to render it probable, and that he left his subjects in doubt, to quench the dissensions that burned between them, particularly between the Carolinians& Scotch, as they experienced the greatest blow; yet it appears to me that we may not be wanting in foresight that you should reinforce me with men and with the munitions and warlike stores contained in the adjoined petition. I will take care to send immediately an express to the Ucheesto give them information of all that they may separate themselves from the friendship and service of the English, and to offer to regale them if they chose to come and visit me. The formal seige has lasted 38 days, counting from the 13th June to 20th of this month; the fire from the batteries and bombardment 27 days, numbering from the 24th June to the 20th inst [instant]; the batteries were three; one in the mud on the island of St Anastasiaof 4 canons [cannons] 18 pounders and one nine pounder; another on the edge of the woods of the same island of 2 eighteen pounders; another on the shores of the inner side of San Matheoof 7 six pounders, the five of them of iron and two of bronze. There were 34 mortars and small mortars; two 10 lb [added: Note. I have translated quintal as the fifth of a hundred lbs, so a mortar of one quintal would be a 20 pounder etc.] mortars and two [added: of] 20 lb, and the 30 small mortars which the deserters called cowhorns (cohorns) were for small [added: hand] grenades and for others of 10 and 12 lbs. The injury done us consists in two killed and wounded, those from canon [cannon] balls were an artillery man and the convict son of Ordoñez, who with the other, named Contreras, were sent me in the first barges from Mosquitos. Of the other two wounded by the shells, a soldier and a negro, the latter is quite cured, and [added: for] the first we have good hopes that he will escape, though with the loss of one leg. The firmness, bravery and honor of the officers Page: [58]57 [djvu image | jpg image] the love, valor energy of the troops, militia, free Negroes & convicts have been great, and of these last I can assure you that they bore themselves like veteran soldiers and humble, for without leaving the work of the day, they have persevered at night like old soldiers with all their caution and vigilance, and even to the negro slaves a particular anxiety & desire have been observed in all to see the enemy here, to advance and attack them; and it has gratified me very much that under all the circumstances in which we were placed and during the whole time of the siege not one deserted from here; and lastly believe that the small galleys have been of much service to me, for it I could have raised the siege without them they have done better than those of the English, if I could not [added: have] used the barges except for the guarding of the port; also they have been indispensable to me to execute other requisite preparations, and at a heavy cost, and I repeat my many thanks to you for having aided me with them, though contrary to the opinion of all the members of the council you called on the subject of sending them or not. On the return of the vessels with provisions under the care of Don Juan de OjedaI will write to you more fully than I can now, unless the captain Palomarescarries to you this news. P.S. Sir, all the 12 Englishdeserters say that Genl [General] Ogelthorpegoes to reinforce to return to this place the next spring, and though I am not sure that the citizens of carolinawill give him more aid, from the disgust and inconveniences this campaign gave them, his authority and restless spirit might induce them to do so, and the number of troops it is said he expects from Europe, composed according to some of two thousand men, and according to others of two regiments; and with the knowledge of this news you can decide on the best means to put this place in a new state of defence [defense], more than 300 men having been lost in the attempts on Pupo, San Diego, the bilander and the sally at Moze, and killed or taken prisoners by the Indians. The enemy stated that on their retreat they destroyed the forts of San Diegoand of Pupo, but the last deserter says that Genl [General] Ogelthorpehas the intention to build a battery of six canons [cannons] at the entrance of the St John's riveron the other side, to put a check on the small galleys and preserve Pupo; all, besides, assure me that he intends to Page: [59]58 [djvu image | jpg image] retreat with all his regiment (that he has not more than 370 men of the 600 who came with him) to the fort of Fredericaand fortify there, abandoning all the others which he has in the different islands. Other deserters say that the General will go to Londonfor new forces, and in case the war continues it is requisite to learn his intentions to guard against them. The fort of San Diegowas abandoned by the enemy without having been destroyed as reported. It was our good fortune that no bomb fell within the Castle, but the artillery broke down the parapet. This would be the time to destroy General Ogelthorpe& his regiment and to drive them out of Georgiawith a little more forces than we have here; for his troops are disgusted, and he will not receive aid from Carolina[deleted: for] by reason of displeasure and the fear of the negroes. Until just now the french bilander could not enter, and I have only seen Monsieur Paran; I will speak with them to-morrow [tomorrow]. In the orders before the last I received from the co[added: u]rt I was prohibited supplying [added: myself] with provisions [added: from] any of the Colonies of strangers, from a wrong understanding that I had winked at the admission of a schooner [added: which] during a time of scarcity Benavideshad let in; but in the last which I have received by Don Juan del Cantoplaced to your care, the king commanded me to supply [added: myself from] the frenchColonies, by which extension you can fulfil the contract without fear that you have made, to which I agree fully although the price of the flour is great, and we must labour [labor] to reduce it as much as we can. We are extremely careful here, but it is certain that [added: of] the troop (I cannot explain to you their bravery, firmness and sufferance in the continued fatigue) a large portion has left me, and in the midst of so may [many] dangers, there was a difference of opinion on the subject. Don Antonio Salgadowho commanded the sally at Mozeworked like a very labourer [laborer], advancing to draw their fire to take them unarmed, with those who went into the fort to save it and passed over the top, notwithstanding they knew the fort capable of great resistance. By this action Ogelthorpelost the confidence of the Scotchsettlers Page: [60]59 [djvu image | jpg image] and of the people. Although here it is public, I tell you privately that Fandiñois not to command the small galleys; on the contrary all the [added: other] captains, he having been remiss in obeying my orders, and it was possible with little risk to dismount the principal batteries, and the last day to have prevented the departure of any of the Englishvessels, and other valuable things, and it is well for you to know this. The garrison's bilander only brought six thousand dollars on account of this garrison & the eight pickets and other commissions of small amount, but it is the custom here to enlarge every thing. Some of our prisoners have returned from the camp and the vessels, of the enemy, and speak illy of Don Domingo, and I like him much, but these signs are bad. Manuel de Montianoto J.F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes. (207)

Sir: On the 6th of the present month I informed Your Excellency, by the Adjutant Don Juan Jacinto Rodriguez, of what had then occurred. On the night of the day subsequent, (the 7th of July,) Louis Gomez arrived at this place, with intelligence that he left within the bar of Mosquitoes, three sloop, one small sloop, and two schooners, with provisions sent by Your Excellency, in charge of Juan de Oxeda, and addressed to the Captain Don Manuel de Villasante. The pleasure with which I received this news, is indescribable; but the joy subsisted but a short time in my heart ; for I was also informed, that when Pedro Chepuz, and the French sloop in which he came as pilot, arrived off this bar, he was seen and chased by an English ship, and packet, which did no harm, but got notice of our provisions, and of their whereabouts. At the same time came a deserter from the enemy's camp, who said that on some night, during spring tides, it was the intention of General Oglethorpe, to make an attack on this place by sea and land. On this I suspended the execution of the plan I had fixed on for bringing the provisions, little by little, and applied myself entirely to the purpose of resisting whatever attempts his pride and arrogance might undertake; but the days of opportunity, passed, without his executing his idea, and I turned my eyes upon our relief vessels, which were manifestly in danger. Using only the launches and the boat, we carried on the work of unloading and transporting to this place; for although I also sent with them a pirogue of considerable capacity for the same purpose, it so happened that on making that bar, four boats and launches, one frigate and a despatch boat crossed their path, separating them and attacking the small ones. But our people defended themselves stoutly, from four of the afternoon until nightfall, suffering only the loss of our pirogue, which splintered itself against the launches; the crew having shifted over, they continued their journey, and returned happily loaded with flour, and continued their task until it was no longer necessary, for on the 20th, the enemy having raised his camp, and taken to hasty and shameful flight, I promptly ordered our bilanders after making the most careful inspection to see if the pass was open and the coast clear, to resume their voyage and come in by Matanzas, if they had at the least a moral certainty of safety. This they accordingly did on the 25th ; and to-day the sloop from Campeche and the two schooners have completely discharged their cargo. And I have consequently directed Palomarez, Captain of one of them, to prepare to take this news to Your Excellency. I assure Your Excellency, that I cannot arrive at a comprehension of the conduct, or rules of this General; for I am informed by at least twelve deserters from him present here, that his camp was composed of 370 men of his regiment, 600 militia of Carolina, 130 Indians, and 200 sailors armed, and encamped on the Island of Santa Anastacia, and as many more sailors for the management of the sloops, schooners, and launches. My wonder is inexpressible that this gentleman should make his retreat with such precipitation, as to leave abandoned, four 6-pounders on the battery on the point of San Mateo, one schooner, two kegs of gunpowder, several muskets and escopettes, and to set fire to a quantity of provisions, such as boxes of bacon, cheese, lard, dried beef, rice and beans, to a schooner, and to an excellent mortar carriage ; besides many things that have profited the Indians, and galley slaves who have had the fortune to pick up several barrels of lard and flour, and some pork.* Notwithstanding all this, I can assure Your Excellency that all the deserters, and two squaws of ours, prisoners of theirs that escaped, agree in saying that Don Diego Oglethorpe is going to reorganize his forces, and make a great effort to stir up the Indians. And although I appraise this rumor as something to placate and leave in doubt his people, moderating the fire that may be burning among them, and especially the Carolinians and Scotchmen as having been the hardest hit, yet I believe there would be no harm in taking precautions, and in Your Excellency sending me such reenforcements as may be suitable, and the munitions and stores as set forth in memorandum here with. I shall send a post at once to the Uchises, to draw them, in view of all this news, from their allegiance to the English, and I shall offer to treat them handsomely if it will please them to come see me. The formal seige has continued 38 days, counting from the 13th of June, to the 20th of July, and the fire of the batteries and bombardment 27 days, from the 24th of June, to the said 20th of July. The batteries were three; one in the pool on the Island of Santa Anastacia, of four 18-pounders and one 9-pounder ; another on the point of the hammock on said island, of two 18-pounders, and the other on the coast of the interior part of the point San Mateo, of seven 6-pounders, five of iron, and two of brass. The mortars, and small mortars were thirty-four, two mortars throwing shell of half a quintal, and two others of about a quintal. The thirty small mortars, which the deserters call cow horns,* were, some small hand grenades, and others for those of ten or twelve pounds. The loss we have suffered is reduced to two men killed, and wounded. Those (wounded) by gun fire who died were artilleryman and the convict, son of Ordonez, whom with the other one named Contreras I received in the first launch-loads from Mosquito. Of the other two wounded by shellfire, to wit, a soldier and a negro, the negro is perfectly well, and the other has a good chance of pulling through, though with one leg fewer. The constancy, valor and glory of the officers here are beyond all praise; the patriotism, courage and steadiness of the troops, militia, free negroes, and convicts, have been great. These last I may say to Your Excellency, have borne themselves like veteran soldiers. I especially commend their humble devotion, for without ceasing work by day, they have persevered by night with the care and vigilance of old soldiers. Even among the slaves a particular steadiness has been noticed, and a desire not to await the enemy within the place but to go out to meet him. In short, I have been thoroughly satisfied with all during the siege, and especially with the circumstance that during the entire siege no one has deserted. And lastly, Your Excellency may believe that the galliots have been of great service to me : for if the siege had caught me without them, the English would have given me much work to do, as the launches could have been used for nothing but the guard of this port, to say nothing of the necessity of taking other indispensable measures, at great cost. And so I renew my thanks to Your Excellency for having sent them to my relief, even against the common opinion of the entire torrent of members of the Junta held by you to decide whether or no they should be sent. On the return of the boats under the charge of Don Juan de Ojeda I shall write at length to Your Excellency: to-day I can do no' more than send this great news by the ship master Palomares. Saint Augustine, in Florida, July 28, 1740. Postscript. Sir: All the 12 English deserters say in confirmation of one another that General Oglethorpe has gone for reenforcements, with the intention of returning upon this place next spring. Although I do not believe that the settlers of Carolina will give more help on account of the vexation and annoyances of this campaign, yet his authority and restless spirit may move them, as well as the ^numbers he is said to expect from Europe, according to some, two thousand, to others, two regiments. Relative to this, Your Excellency may consider the best measures to put this place in a new state of defense, lacking as I do more than the remaining 300 men, on account of the losses encountered at Pupo, San Diego, the sloop, the sortie of Moze, and of Indian prisoners and killed. The enemy spread the news that on their retreat they would burn the fort of San Diego, and that of Pupo. But the latest deserter says that General Oglethorpe is going to construct a battery of 6 guns at the entrance of the Saint John's on the other side, to prevent the entrance of galliots, and in order to maintain Pupo. All the others declare that it was his intention to withdraw with his entire regiment (now of 378 men out of 600 it originally contained) to the fort of Federico, and fortify himself there, abandoning the remaining forts he has in other islands. Other deserters have said that their general was going over to London for fresh reenforcements. Should the war continue, we must take measures to oppose his plans. The fort at San Diego was abandoned without being burned, reported. Luckily for us, no shell fell within the fort, but their guns injured our parapets. This was the moment to exterminate General Oglethorpe with his regiment and force him out of Georgia, with forces but little stronger than those I have here, for his troops are discontented, and he would get but little help from Carolina by reason of the same discontent, and fear of their negroes. So far the French sloop has been unable to enter, nor have I seen anyone other than Monsieur Paran. I have appointed to-morrow for an interview with them. In the latest orders but one from the capital, I received one forbidding the supply of stores from any foreign colony, on account of a mistake here over the admission of Benavides of a schooner in a time of scarcity. But in the latest ones, received by me with Don Juan del Canto, to whom Your Excellency entrusted them, the King directs me to supply myself in the French colonies, which authority permits with out any misgiving the contract made by you, to which I fully accede, although the price of flour is high, and we shall try to cut it down as much as possible. I have been most anxious, but it is certain that the troops (I can not set forth to Your Excellency their valor, steadiness and suffering under our continuous labor) relieved me in great part. In the midst of such great dangers, gossip ran riot. Don Antonio Salgado, who commanded the sortie on Moze, acted like a true officer, profiting by their discharge to take them disarmed, as it were ; on which he entered the work in safety, and overthrew them, although the fort is capable of much resistance. This affair destroyed the settlement of Scotchmen and people in whom Oglethorpe had complete confidence. Although the matter is common property here, I inform Your Excellency confidentially that Fandino is not fit to command the galliots, and on the contrary all the other captains are, because he has been remiss in obeying my orders, and could with but little risk have dismounted their principal battery, and the last day have prevented the escape of some of the English vessels, and other good things, and it is well that Your Excellency should know this. The garrison sloop only took six thousand dollars on garrison account and the eight pickets, and a few * groups of people from the underbrush but it is the habit here to augment everything. A few of our prisoners have returned hither from the camp and from the boats of the English, and speak ill of Don Domingo. I marvel at this greatly, but the signs are bad. May God preserve our judgment, and Your Excellency's, as is my wish. * EncomiendiUa* de particulare* de ppca monte. Precisely what is meant by these words is not clear. Eneomiendtlla is a diminutive of encomienda, on which as an institution, see Foreman "The Philippine Islands," 3d edition, p. 211, and also De Morga "The Philippine Islands," pp. 323, 325, London, printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1868. The reference of the entire passage is obscure. Tr. *The name of the mortar is Coehorn, from the inventor. As pronounced it sounded to Don Manuel like cow horn, and he accordingly so translates into his own speech, euemos de vaca. Tr. *This paragraph corrected, etc., may be found in Southern Quarterly Review loc. cit. * Portions of this letter are published in the Southern Quarterly Review of April, 1844, pp. 409, 410.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy August 3rd 1740 Sir The 28th July I sent you the news than just received which you will find in this, that on the 20th of the same month the enemy raised the siege, and having sent a frigate and packetboats to maintain it, the Bilanders [Bilanders] & schooners with provisions could not enter before the 27th day of July, and now I have to inform you that Palomaresfrom his carelessness & neglect cannot leave before sunday the 31st; and that now, the 3rd August, I received your letter sent by Don Juan Ruiz de Canto, who, as may be infered [inferred] by the letter enclosed, told me he had left it in his house, and with the purpose of informing me that it had been arranged for the frigate Sta [Santa] Catarina under the command of Don Joseph de Herrera, two other vessels of war, two transports and one bilander with provisions, I sent this day the boat with 11 men to guard the bar of Mosquitosand to give the necessary information of the condition of this place, to the said commander Don Joseph de Herrera, and [added: that] at the proper time Bartolome de Espinosamay go out to carry to you the duplicate of the news of the retreat of the generals Ogelthorpeand Pierse(Pearce?) Still, we have not received any certain news that the enemy has retreated from the St Johnalthough the last deserters have assured me, that they were [added: to] embark the 5th inst [instant] on friday; and to Page: [61]60 [djvu image | jpg image] render me sure of this news, and because they had sent more barges to bring away the artillery from Pupoand demolish it, I have sent different patrols of Cavalry and Indians charged to observe their movements, to guard against any treacherous attempt, should the news be confirmed that all their troops, militia & small vessels remain at St John. I have not thought proper to follow their rearguard on account of the small force that would be left here, as five hundred men would have been taken from the eight companies, and the troops would have been fatigued and this place exposed, for a doubtful success, to ruin or the greatest danger; moreover by your plans and aid I hope to punish them and strike a blow that will exterminate them; which is all I have to send you in this despatch, etc. Manl. [Manuel] de Montianoto Don J.F. [Don Juan Francisco] de Guemes. (210)

Sir: On July 28, I sent or had ready the report sent to Your Excellency in a letter of that date, and reduced to the statement that on the 20th of the same, the enemy raised the siege ; and that on account of the presence or station of a frigate and despatch boat to the south on this coast, the entrance of the sloops and schooners with supplies could not be made before July 27. I now have to tell Your Excellency that Palomares failed or was unable to sail, through his carelessness and neglect before Sunday the 31. Today, August 3, I have received Your Excellency's principal letter entrusted to Don Juan Ruiz del Canto who, as may be inferred from the foregoing letter included herewith, tells me that he had remained in his cabin : and with regard to Your Excellency's advices, in it, to the effect that Your Excellency is preparing the frigate Sta. Catarina under the command of Don Joseph de Herrera, two other frigates equipped for war, two transports and a sloop with stores. I have sent out the boat to-day, to take station with 11 men on the bar of Mosquitoes, in order to give the necessary notice of the state of this place to the said Captain Don Joseph de Herrera, and so that at the proper time Bartolome de Espinosa may set forth to bear to Your Excellency a duplicate of the report of the withdrawal of the Generals Oglethorpe and Pierse. I have so far not yet received positive news that the enemy has withdrawn from San Juan, although the latest deserters have assured me that they were to embark on the coming Friday, 5th instant. To the end of verifying this news, and that of their having sent a few launches to take up the guns at Pupo and demolish it, I am keeping out various patrols of cavalry and Indians, the principal purpose and most especial charge being to observe their movements in order to guard against any treacherous design, seeing that I had received a verification of the report that they were maintaining themselves at San Juan, with all the troops, militia and smaller boats. I have not thought it proper to follow the rearguard, because of lack of troops; out of the eight companies alone more than one hundred men are lacking. The troops more over are worn out, and I do not wish to expose this place, in a matter of doubtful issue, to late ruin, after having rescued it from the greatest danger. But I hope finally with the disposition and assistance of Your Excellency to chastise them, and give them an exterminating blow. As this despatch must go promptly, I have no more to report to Your Excellency. Florida, August 3, 1740.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy August 7th 1740 Sir I have returned answers to all your letters, which from my many embarasments [embarrassments] were left unanswered; and now proceed to inform you that besides the news which the twenty two deserters uniformly [added: gave there] has been brought here that Genl [General] Ogelthorpehas propagated the news that he will return to besiege this place in four or five months or next spring, adding that they have advertised to construct other schooners like ours but of greater bulk. And although it seems impossible to me that Ogelthorpewill repeat the like enterprise from the difficulty of drawing out a second time by his commands the citizens of Carolina, yet as the whole system of the natives of those colonies and of the adjacent ones consists in the desire to conquer this place, which is the rock on which they ordinarily stumble, and the obstacle which checks the course of their proud inhuman projects to exterminate the Indians from the continent of Apalacheand its limits, to occupy all these provinces without difficulty, it appears to me reasonable not to despise this news; for in case the war is continued Page: [62]61 [djvu image | jpg image] they might undoubtedly succeed, as there is a great jealousy of the conduct of Ogelthorpe, and they pretend that the king of Great Britainwill engage another soldier in whom will be found the art to conciliate and give greater satisfaction. And if this takes place, which is possible; or if the same Ogelthorpeis again placed in command, he might bewitch them, and stronger defences [defenses] will be indispensable to this place; for we must naturally believe that the new attempts to attack this place will be made with, at least, double the force. And if his court should give him the two regiments or the two thousand troops which they have published abroad, for the advantage the possession of this place would give to that crown, it will be the most necessary that an equal force should be sent, as this place being an open country its defence [defense] should above all be guarded. For should it inevitably be taken, I could not present a more deplorable state, than to be reduced to the limits of this fortress; should they succeed, which God forbid, it will naturally be impossible to subsist a long time. For without other causes, the sad cries and floods of tears from the women and children before the eyes of their fathers would destroy the most harmoniously adjusted means. I have presented to me the [unclear: grave] engagements you are under for the defence [defense] of the island (Cuba), which is a beautiful Dame courted by all nations, yet I am sure that with so much zeal in the service of the king you will make the speedy succor of this place your special study. In the circular of the 30 January of this year governing the Council of these Indies, the king especially charged it with the defence [defense] of his Americanpossessions, offering to send at the proper time troops from those kingdoms, that a more vigorous resistance may be made; but if it should happen, from some serious obstacle by sea or land, that they could not be conducted here, or from some other cause, I am bound to lay before you, from my obligations and the repeated commands of the king, & I repeat my appeals to you, supplicating for the necessaries to defend this place, which, in case the war continues, I find myself in the condition of losing for you, as I have 370 [deleted: men] Infantry and 24 Artillery, respecting whom during the seige [siege] Page: [63]62 [djvu image | jpg image] and before it, including the useless ones in the [added: troops &] the other reinforcements sent here, this garrison was so diminished, that of the first I had only 116 effective men left, and of the second 240, which together amounted to 356; while those that ought to compose both bodies should be 750, the 350 of the old garrison and the 400 of the eight companies of reinforcement, and as at present no more than 356 remain in this fortress you will see that 394 men are wanting, which are what I ask you, the smallest number appointed by the king for this place, but considering the great vexation that the englishexperienced from the injuries they received in the siege they laid to us this year, I am obliged to ask of you, as preventive means, should the war continue other 300 men with arms mulattoes and free negroes of these militia, holding it important to the more effectual service of the king that as they come forward they should be accepted, that they may be furnished with arms when they offer themselves, and be employed constantly as labourers [laborers] in the works, for which two purposes it is intended they should be sent. But if it appears to you that this contract would be too rigorous, you can bargain with them that they be divided into two quarters, that one half may be idle, that they might work by weeks or months, employing their vacant time according to their pleasure, or in seeking, each one, what he may find to his account. And if you can send them armed, it will be most useful to the royal service, as we have nothing here to arm them, as this is a perfect hospital. I would likewise suggest to you that it would be best that the negroes & mulattoes should come [added: by the] first opportunity, to place this fortress in the proper condition, and that the troops and artillery should be here at the latest, by the 20th of december. To this and your great penetration will understand that the king cannot lay any charge on me for which I must not look to you, as I have been commanded, asking of you all the necessaries to place this fortress in the state that his majesty desires, and these continued appeals are the true Page: [64]63 [djvu image | jpg image] fulfilment [fulfillment] of my obligations and obedience in observance with the royal orders, which urge me to ask of you what is necessary for the safety of this place, in consequence of which, I am sure you have a desire to send here those succors [succors], to dispatch promptly all the requisite means for its most effectual executions; and if it is impossible [added: with you] to dispense with so large a number of troops and militia, you will know how to satisfy fully the king, and I will [deleted: not] have complied with his sovereign command, without their being able to calumniate me with laziness or carelessness; resting in the firm belief that your elevated talents will not remain ignorant of the legitimacy & justice of my appeals for the royal cause from which they spring, and if the king destines any troops for this place for its greater security, my appeals will always remain enforced, as his majesty counts naturally on this garrison, and on what he had before ordered to be sent, which he believes has been done. Manl. [Manuel] de Montianoto J.F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes. (248)

Sir: I shall now proceed to answer Your Excellency's letters necessarily laid aside on account of my pressing duties. Besides the intelligence given by the two and twenty deserters that have come here, to the effect that General Oglethorpe has circulated the rumor that he means to return to the siege of this place within four or five months, or next spring, they add that he will cause other galliots to be built, like ours, but of greater burden. And although it appears impossible to me that the said Ogletorpe should repeat the enterprise, on account of the arduous difficulties he will encounter in bringing the settlers of Carolina a second time to his way of thinking, nevertheless as the entire system of the citizens of those colonies and of their 'neighbors, consists and dwells in the desire to capture this place, the reef on which ordinarily they break, and the obstacle to the course of their inhuman and haughty plan of exterminating the Indians of the continent of Apalachee and its confines so as to occupy all these provinces without let or hindrance, it seems logical to me not to spurn their warnings, because it may of course happen that, thoroughly distrusting the conduct of Oglethorpe, they may in case the war continue, ask the King of Great Britian to commit the direction of affairs to some other soldier whose conciliatory character may give them better satisfaction. If this happens, as is possible, or if the same Oglethorpe should again have charge, he may succeed in bewitching them into the belief that another greater expedition is necessary against this place, for obviously we must assume that the new attempt and attack would be undertaken with double forces at least. And if his court should be inclined to grant the two regiments or the two thousand troops, as divulged, because of the advantage to that Crown of holding this province, then will it be most necessary to send equal forces; for, seeing that this place is an open country, its defense should be guarded more than any other thing. There can infallibly be no other worse nor more deplorable condition, than our reduction to the limits of the fort; if this happens, which God forbid, it is equally infallible that we could not exist for any length of time. Without taking into consideration any other reason or principle, the sad voices and tears of the women and children, were enough to distract their fathers from the best laid, logical plans. I keep in mind Your Excellency's grave preoccupations with the defense of that island (Cuba), beautiful woman whom all nations are wooing, but I also believe that Your Excellency, zealous in the King's service, will make a special study of coming to the relief of this place with all that it needs. In a circular of January 30 of this year, sent to all councils of the cities of these Indies, the King especially recommends the defense of all his American dominions, offering at the same time to send troops from the Kingdom for the making of a more vigorous resistance. But if it should happen that these can not be supplied, either by reason of some serious obstacle by sea or land, or for any other good reason, then, in obedience to my duty, and to the reiterated commands of the King to report to Your Excellency, I must set before Your Excellency my resources, begging for whatever may be necessary to the defense of this place; because, if the war continues, I am under the necessity of asking for 370 infantrymen, and 24 artillerymen. During the siege and before, and counting the men not fit for duty, the troops of this garrison and of the reenforcements were reduced by this number, there remaining of the former only 116 fit for duty, and of the latter ony 240, making 356. As both corps should amount to 750, 350 of the old garrison, and 400 of the eight companies of the reenforcements, and as there are in this garrison no more than 356 between the two, it is plain that I need 394 men, just the number I am asking for, and having reference to the terms under which the King held this place. But as it is now threatened with the most furious anger reason of the damage inflicted upon the English in their siege of it, it is my duty at the same time to ask Your Excellency, should the war continue, for 300 armed men more, mulattoes and free negroes from the militia of Cuba. I regard it as important to the best and most useful service of the King, that in the agreement made to this end, it be stipulated and arranged with them, that they are to do armed duty when necessary, and manual labor all the time, these being the two purposes they must understand they are coming for. But if this should appear to Your Excellency to be too heavy a task, an agreement might be reached with them to divide them into two shifts, giving to one half indulgence, in order to have them work for weeks or months, and allowing them to employ their spare time in rest or amusement, or in the pursuit of anything that might appeal to the intelligence of each one. And if Your Excellency could send them armed, it will be and is of significance to the Ring's service, there being no one here to perform it, because this is now a Hospital. At the same time, I must point out to Your Excellency that it would be most profitable to send the negroes and mulattoes at the very first opportunity to put the position into the proper condition, and that the infantry and artillery should be here by December 20 of this year at the latest. The great penetration of Your Excellency will perceive from these terms, that the King can impose no charge upon me without my recurring to Your Excellency, as he commanded, for all that is necessary to put this place in the condition His Majesty desires, and that in following this course I am discharging my obligation in obedience to the royal orders directing me to apply to Your Excellency for all that the custody of this place demands. With respect to all this, I believe that if it be possible, all measures will promptly be taken to send me the succor in question : and that if it be impossible to send the number of troops and militia, Your Excellency will fully satisfy the King on this point, and I shall have fully complied with his sovereign commands, and no one can caluminously charge me with omission, indolence or neglect. I firmly believe that Your Excellency's lofty talents will not disavow my legitimate and just petitions in behalf of the royal principle whence they flow; and that if the King destines troops for the better defense of this place, my petitions would still remain in force; for His Majesty will naturally count upon his garrison, and upon what he had before directed to be sent, because he will think that his directions have been obeyed. Florida, August 7, 1740.

Sir: After learning of the loss of the Convoy of supplies sent by Your Excellency to this place, in the brigantine of Andres Gonzales and the sloop of the King, I managed successfully to arm the Campeche sloop as a privateer. It went out the 17th of October and having captured a Carolinian schooner sent her here under the charge of Domingo Quintana, Don Juan de Hita, two boys, and a negro. And although she came to the entrance of this port six days afterward, and our launch went out to pilot her having made no attempt to speak her, as neither did the port, since she was going to the southward, and was taken for an Englishman, she withdrew, but so far we have not the slightest news of her. We believe either that she must have been lost in some storm, or that three Englishmen she had aboard, the two boys and a woman were killed while drunk, as the first were, the rest being taken asleep. A few days later, Oglethorpe's sergeant major was captured, and through bad management I lost two men, one killed and the other wounded by the 18-pounders of the frigate and despatch boat. A pink was captured off Carolina,* on its way to Hamburg, and having on board over nine thousand artobas (quarters) of rice, which has been the salvation of this city, because from the 28 of October when she came in, the troops and entire neighborhood have lived on it, baking it into roscas (ring-shaped biscuits or cakes). The said Joseph Sanchez having declared that he wished to leave off privateering and sell his sloop, I arranged to buy and arm it, rigging it anew with captured tackle, to the satisfaction of Fandino, who it was suggested wished to go privateering. Equipping it according to his judgment, and leaving him freedom of action, the sloop was fitted out much to the satisfaction of everybody that not even from the ways could she have gone forth better equipped. With 80 men picked out by him, the 50 of the galliots, and 30 from this place, and a sergeant and six soldiers he asked for, she hoisted sail on December 3 with a good wind, and on the 5th at dawn found herself on the bar of Carolina* itself, although it was his intention to station himself off Cape Ferro, out of sight of land ; but finding himself so near to Carolina,* as well as to the pilot on the bar, he captured him. Keeping in view at the same time a privateering sloop which had just left the port on its way to Jamaica, the two privateers closed, and according to the report of three men succeeded in bringing the launch, went off together cannonading each other ; from time to time there was musketry fire. The men say they were unable to follow their privateer and fearing lest the Englishman should capture them if he tacked, they tried to make the coast. The Englishman was seen to tack toward the land and returned to his port: our ship was lost to view standing out to sea. Before going aboard, Fandino was heard to say he would go farther north because now they were discovered in those parts. The three men who brought in the launch (which resembles our boat here with its deck) separated from the privateer with only two ship biscuit : with what they could catch with a hook, they succeeded in arriving safely. A little negro of 10 or 12, taken in the launch says that the largest and best part of Carolina, to wit the houses of the Marina (waterfront) has been burned, the fire having lasted two weeks; that the powder magazine blew up, and that there were three mamiales ** in the harbor. On the 19th a schooner much larger than that of Mugaguren anchored on our bar, captured by our privateer Fandigo, who writes me from Cape Ferro what Your Excellency may see in copy herewith. Two prisoners sent in her bring no special news other than what Your Excellency may get from the declaration they made. On the 29th instant, our privateering sloop returned because the crew could not stand the rigors of the winter, which has been cruel. Fandino came ashore, and told me of another schooner he had captured, but without supplies, only a few useless things, such as aguardiente, honey-cakes, and flagstones ; and that she must be well out to sea, as she was caught in a storm in the Bahama Channel. The captains of the two schooners, and the Carolina pilot whom Fandino took aboard the privateer, and whom I caused to be examined to-day, have no more news to give than the short paper of the said 29. Yesterday we caught sight of an English frigate seemingly of 20 to 24 guns : to-day it has remained in view until 3 of the afternoon. Bearing in mind Fandino's performance on the bar of San Jorge, I infer that they must have armed one of their manuales to pursue the privateer, or to come and wait here, as it were to hamper the entrance of the boats sailing from this city. With reference to this, if on receipt of this, there should be some strong boat, capable of attacking this one, I beseech Your Excellency to send it, to clear the coast ; because it is very possible they will be chastised, and from the fear so engendered, will not so lightly undertake to blockade us. Florida, Jan. 2, 1741. Postscript. I have just heard that the Carolina pilot says this frigate was to leave for the purpose of remaining four months off this port, and that her captain had so promised the Parliament. And I fear lest the small boats missing from the last shipment, and that of Escalera may fall into its hands. ** I. e. men o' war. See note, ante. Tr. * Charleston.

From Mose in Secondary Literature by Amy January 2nd 1741 Sir, Since I have learned the loss of the convoy of provisions that you sent to this place in the brigantine of Andres Gonzalezand the bilander of the king, I had most effectually armed as privateer the bilander Campechana of Joseph Sanchez Rodriquez; and having gone out the 17th of October, and taken a schooner of Carolinahe sent it here in charge of Domingo de Quitana, Don Juan de Hita, two boys and a negro, and although he passes by this fort these six days, and a barge has been sent out to bring him in, it has not been able to speak to him, nor could we from this port, as he navigates on the southern side. the englishbelieving that he has retired, and until now I have had no news of him, either he has been lost in some storm, or the three englishhe carries with him, the two boys and one woman, have killed them while drunk, or might have captured them while sleeping. A few days since the sergeant major (sargento mayor) of Ogelthorpewas taken prisoner, and by bad management two men lost, one Page: [65]64 [djvu image | jpg image] killed and the other wounded by the 18 pounders of the packetboat and the Frigate. After this we took a vessel near Carolinagoing to Hamburgwith more than nine thousand arrobes [arrobas] (each 25lbs) of rice, which has been the resource of this city, for since the 28th of October when it arrived at this port, it has been the food of all the troops and the citizens, using it on the pinch as bread. And the said Joseph Sanchezhaving determined to quit cruising and sell his bilander , I have arranged to buy [added: & arm] it, and fit it up [added: a new] with tackle which has been taken in the prizes, and to please Fandiño, who intimated that he would like to go on a cruize [cruise], I placed it under his command, and letting them arm the bilander fully, that she may be equipped in every point, and with 80 men at least; 50 from the schooners and 30 from the country, with a sergeant and six soldiers who begged me to permit them to go, she made sail on the 3rd December with a fair wind, and on the 5th cruized [cruised] off the bar of Carolina, although his intention was to anchor in sight of land; but having sailed so close to Carolina, to seize by his boat the pilot of the bar, and a privateer bilander being in sight at a short distance which had succeeded in getting out of port, and pursued her voyage to Jamaica, the two cruisers came together, and according to the information which has been given by the three men who brought the boat here, they went on, ready for action, firing from time to time; they stated that they were not able to follow their cruiser, and fearing that if they tacked towards their ship they would be taken by the English, they made for the coast; that they saw the Englishcome near the land and return to port, and that ours was lost sight of sailing from shore; that before they had left their vessel they had heard Fandiñosay that he would go farther north as he would be discovered in this place. The three men who have brought the boat (which is like the boat here with its deck) left the cruiser with only two buiscuits [biscuits], and with what fish they caught with a hook they were enabled to come here with safety. A young negro of 10 or 12 years whom they caught in their boat, said that the larger and Page: [66]65 [djvu image | jpg image] better part of Carolina, which are the houses of the Marine, has been destroyed by a fire that lasted fourteen days, and that the powder magazine had blown up; also that three men-of-war were in port. On the 19th a schooner much larger than that of Mugaguren anchored in this bar, taken by our Cruiser Fandiño, who from his anchorage wrote to me what you will learn by the adjoined copy, and two prisoners sent in her told me nothing more new than what you will find in the declaration that they made. On the 29th our bilander entered this port, the crew not having been able to stand the [deleted: vigo] severity of the winter which had been great; and having come ashore, Fandiñotold me that he had taken another schooner, but without provisions except some useless articles, as rum, honey, and earthenware; that he considered her secured having succeeded in conquering her but that a storm had carried her off in the Bahama Channel(gulf stream) The captains of the two schooners, and the Carolinapilot whom Fandiñomade come aboard the cruiser, have been examined, but give no more news than that contained in the paper dated 29th. Yesterday a frigate of 20 or 24 canons [cannons] showed herself here, and to-day [today] remained in sight until 3 P.M.; and recollecting the success of Fandiñoat the bar of St George, I infered [inferred] that they had armed in that port on [one] of their men-of-wars to drive off the cruiser, and to remain here and stop the entrance of vessels that come to this city. I would therefore beg you, when you receive this, to send some vessels of force, which will be able to attack this frigate, and you will please to expedite them, that this coast may be open, which is very easy when they have been thrashed, and with the fear and dread they will then have, they will not undertake so easily to blockade this port. P.S. The Carolinapilot has just told me that he heard that this frigate had gone out for the purpose of cruising off here four months, that the parliament had thus instructed her captain. Page: [67]66 [djvu image | jpg image] I fear therefore that the small vessels missing in the last envoy and that of Escaleramay have fallen into their hands. Manuel de Montianoto J.F. [Juan Francisco] de Guemes-