Arredondo's Historical Proof of Spain's Title to Georgia

[Bolton note: John Cabot, in May, 1497, in the Mathew and with eighteen men, sailed from Bristol across the North Atlantic. He appears to have struck the American coast in the neighborhood of Cape Breton Island. Some have maintained that from there he ran down the Atlantic coast as far as latitude 38° or even as far as Cuba. However, his landfall and the course of his voyage thereafter are both uncertain. The idea that his son Sebastian went with him is now generally rejected by scholars. Though so little is known of the Cabot voyage it was made much of by England for two centuries, as a basis of claims to the North American mainland.

In 1498, John Cabot made another voyage for England from which he never returned (Olson, J. E.( ed., The Northmen, Columbus and Cabot).]

[Bolton note: Ayllon had come to America with Ovando in 1502. Becoming interested in exploration he formed an association with Diego Caballero.

[Bolton note: Ponce de Leon's capitulation was dated February 23, 1512.

[Bolton note: On Easter Sunday, De Leon first saw the Peninsula in latitude 28° 8'. Sometime between then and April 8 he landed. Turning south he coasted well around the Peninsula.

[Bolton note: His [Ponce de Leon’s] second patent was dated September 27, 1514. His second expedition was made with two vessels, two hundred men and fifty horses, and equipment for a colony. His landing seems to have been made in the vicinity of Charlotte Harbor. See Lowery, Spanish Settlements . . . 161S-1661, pp. 131-145; 157-160; Barcia, Ensayo Cronoldoico para la Historia General de la Florida (Madrid, 1723), 1-6.]

[Bolton note: In 1520 they [Ayllon and Ovando] sent Francisco Gordillo in charge of a vessel, with instructions to continue northward to the mainland. Ayllon evidently was not with this expedition. On the way Gordillo fell in with a slave hunter, Pedro de Quexos.

[Bolton note: In June, 1521, they together [Gordillo and Quexos] reached a land called Chicora, apparently near Cape Fear, ruled by Chief Datha. They took formal possession, captured some Indians, and returned to Española (Haiti) where Diego Columbus ordered the Indians restored to their native country.

[Bolton note: Ayllon went [from Espanola] to Spain, taking with him Francisco Chicorana, one of the South Carolinians, as his personal servant. While there, on June 12, 1523, he obtained the patent which he sought. He was to explore the coast eight hundred leagues, looking for a strait leading to India.

[Bolton note: In July, 1526, Ayllon set forth from Española with six vessels, a colony of five hundred men and women, and three Dominican friars. On a large river, evidently the Peedee, he founded a settlement called San Miguel de Gualdape. Disaster overtook the colony, Ayllon died, and by the following spring the survivors were back in the West Indies (Lowery, Spanish Settlements . . . 1513-1561, pp. 153-168); Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, 4, 7-9. Arredondo follows Barcia for his dates.]

[Bolton note: ...by the following spring the survivors [of Ayllon's colony] were back in the West Indies (Lowery, Spanish Settlements . . . 1513-1561, pp. 153-168); Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, 4, 7-9. Arredondo follows Barcia for his dates.]

[Bolton note: Leaving San Lucar on April 6, 1538, he [De Soto] reached Santiago de Cuba in May. Thence he went overland through the Cuban settlements to Havana. There he left his wife to await his return or to be sent for.

[Bolton note: Leaving San Lucar on April 6, 1538, he [De Soto] reached Santiago de Cuba in May. Thence he went overland through the Cuban settlements to Havana. There he left his wife to await his return or to be sent for.

[Bolton note: He [De Soto] left Havana for Florida on May 18, 1539, instead of May 12, as Arredondo gives it.

[Bolton note: Espiritu Santo Bay where he [De Soto] landed in Florida was Tampa Bay. Lowery, following Oviedo, concludes that he [De Soto] entered this Bay on May 28, and took possession on June 3 instead of June 2.

[Bolton note: Espiritu Santo Bay where he [De Soto] landed in Florida was Tampa Bay. Lowery, following Oviedo, concludes that he [De Soto] entered this Bay on May 28, and took possession on June 3 instead of June 2.

[Bolton note: Lowery accepts the date May 21, 1542, instead of June 27, for the death of De Soto.

[Bolton note: Lowery accepts the date May 21, 1542, instead of June 27, for the death of De Soto.

[Bolton note: Moscoso reached Mexico City with the survivors of the De Soto party late in 1543, after more than five years of wandering and hardship. Lowery, Spanish Settlements . . . 1613-1661, pp. 213-252; Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, 20-22; Garcilaso de la Vega, La Florida del Inca (Madrid, 1723), passim; Theodore Irving, The Conquest of Florida by De Soto (1835); Bourne, E. G., Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto (1904).]

1. [Bolton note: In 1555 Coligny sent Villegaignon to plant a Huguenot colony in Brazil. Six years later he organized an expedition for North America.

[Bolton note: Philip's order to Viceroy Velasco provided for the occupation of two points on the North American mainland. Santa Elena (Port Royal) was designated as one of these; the other was left unspecified. To select the second site and to examine the harbor at Santa Elena the viceroy sent Guido de Bazares from Vera Cruz in 1558, who explored the Gulf coast as far as Mobile Bay.

[Bolton note: De Luna sailed from Vera Cruz on June 11, 1559, with thirteen vessels, a colony of 1,500 persons, six Dominican friars, and two hundred and forty horses. Several members of the company had been with De Soto. The destination of the fleet was apparently Pensacola Bay, which was to be made a base for establishing a colony at Coosa, in central Alabama, which had made so good an impression on De Soto.

[Bolton note: After some difficulty Pensacola Bay (called Santa Maria by De Luna) was reached on August 14 [1559]. Before the fleet was unloaded several vessels were destroyed and many persons killed in a hurricane. Much new information on this episode will be available when Dr. H. I. Priestley publishes the De Luna documents which he is editing for the Florida State Historical Society.]

3. Before proceeding it will be well to clear up the confusion that has been occasioned by the name of Carolina, given by Ribaut to the settlement which he made on the river called by him Port Royal and by Lucas Vasquez called Santa Elena, so that the errors into which some foreigners have fallen may not serve as a pretext for controversy by furnishing a plea for delaying the decision, to the advantage of the English nation, as has happened heretofore. 4. The name Carolina, given by Ribaut in the year 1562, certainly was not applied to all the provinces and regions comprehended between 29° and 39° latitude, to which these foreigners thoughtlessly extend it. On the contrary, he merely applied it to the one small settlement which he left in charge of Albert; for as careful reflection would tell us, it was impossible to encompass so many provinces with only twenty-six Frenchmen, including the commander. 5. It might, of course, be true that it was the intention of Ribaut and Admiral Coligny to take possession of the whole of the territory described. But the accidents that prevented the execution of the plan, and Nicolas Barri's forced withdrawal, are clear evidence that they did not succeed in doing it. Consequently, this name of Carolina began and ended of itself in the space of a year. It is not possible that in this short time so few Frenchmen could have extended their dominion over so large a territory, for they lacked entirely the indispensable means for carrying out such an undertaking. And, even though they had been many and had not lacked the necessary equipment and provisions which by its nature the conquest and settlement of such vast and widespread lands demanded, it was never practicable for them to fit their deeds to their desires. Therefore, those who have thought differently ought to be undeceived, especially if they pay attention to the facts which follow. 13. [Bolton note: Arredondo here is following Barcia, who states that the fort was named Carolina, and that it was left in charge of Albert Ribaut. But Ribaut himself states (Narrative of the First Voyage of Jean Ribault, in French, Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida. Second Series. Historical Memoirs and Narratives, 1687-1702, pp. 187-188) that the establishment was Charlesfort, and the captain's name Albert de la Pierria. That the post was called Charlesfort is well established, although at least one French authority states that it was called Caroline (see note 2 on p. 59 of Paul Gaffarel, Histoire de la Floride Francaise, Paris, 1875). Arredondo's arguments on this question are therefore not well founded.]

1. [Bolton note: Ribaut, the leader, set sail February 16, 1562, and on April 30 reached the Florida coast in latitude 29° 30'.

1. [Bolton note: Ribaut, the leader, set sail February 16, 1562, and on April 30 reached the Florida coast in latitude 29° 30'.

1. [Bolton note: The San Juan River was reached on May 1, and named River of May. Ribaut erected a column there. Eight rivers farther up the coast were named Seine, Somme, Loire, Charente, Garonne, Gironde, Belle, and Grande. Entering the harbor at Santa Elena he named it Port Royal, erected a column, and left a garrison of twenty-eight men under Albert de la Pierria, naming it Charlesfort (not Caroline as Arredondo says).

1. [Bolton note: On June 11, Ribaut sailed for France. Things went badly at Port Royal. A fire destroyed the fort, dissensions arose, the commander was murdered, and Nicolas Barre' was elected in his place. Reenforcements failed to come, the colonists built a frail vessel, set sail for France, and were picked up on the way by an English vessel when in direst straits.

[Bolton note: Philip II had protested Ribaut's first expedition shortly after it sailed. Early in 1563 he warned the governor of Cuba.

[Bolton note: In May [1563] this official [gov of Cuba] sent Manrique de Rojas to remove the French columns.

[Bolton note: June 11 [1563] Rojas reached Port Royal harbor, picked up Ruiin, a stray Frenchman, found the French fort and removed the column (Lowery, Florida, 45-48).

1. [Bolton note: Carolinians have long sought the stone column which Ribaut erected at Port Royal. It is not strange that they have not found it, because Rojas carried it away in 1564 (Lowery, Spanish Settlements . . . 1662-1674, pp. 28-48; Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, "The Huguenots in Florida," chapters 2-6; Barcia, Ensayo Cronoldgico, 43-45).]

[Bolton note: Learning of the departure of Laudonniere and of Ribaut with a third colony, Philip commissioned Menendez de Aviles, March 20, 1565, to occupy Florida and expel intruders.

[Bolton note: August 28 Menendez entered the harbor where he subsequently founded San Agustin.

[Bolton note: returning, on September 6 he [Menendez] founded San Agustin;

[Bolton note: on the 7th the [Menendez] colonists were landed and on the 9th possession was taken.

[Bolton note: on the 7th the [Menendez] colonists were landed and on the 9th possession was taken.

[Bolton note: On September 16 he [Menendez] set out overland for Fort Caroline, which he stormed on the twentieth (Lowery, Florida, 101-186; Barcia, Ensayo Cronoldgico, 56-94).]

[Bolton note: On September 16 he [Menendez] set out overland for Fort Caroline, which he stormed on the twentieth (Lowery, Florida, 101-186; Barcia, Ensayo Cronoldgico, 56-94).]

[Bolton note: In November, 1565, Sancho de Arciniega reached Havana with 1800 colonists and supplies for Florida.

[Bolton note: In December, 1565, he [Menendez Marques] was sent back to Spain to bear despatches.

[Bolton note: Menendez reached San Agustin on his return from Havana and Caloosa on March 20, 1566. There and at San Mateo he learned that mutiny and other disorders had occurred.] [Bolton note: Before leaving for Guale, Menendez divided two hundred and fifty soldiers between San Agustin and San Mateo.

16. [Bolton note: The first site of San Agustin was evidently Santa Anastasia Island. It was moved on May 18-19, 1566 (Meras, Memorial, edited by Connor, 182-185). A few weeks later it was "retired further inland" because the sea was eating away the fort (ibid., 200).

[Bolton note: From Santa Elena and Guale, Menendez had returned to San Mateo (September 20) and San Agustin.

[Bolton note: Sending Reynoso to erect a fort at Carlos's village, on October 20 he [Menendez] set sail in pursuit of corsairs in the Caribbean.

[Bolton note: By January, 1567, Menendez was back in Havana. Thence he went to aid Reynoso, who was in difficulty at San Antonio, the port in Carlos's country, taking with him the Jesuit Father Rogel. Going north to Tampa Bay, he left a garrison at the village of Chief Tocobaga, returning thence to Havana. Going thence to Tegesta he built a fort and established a missionary there. Thence he returned to San Agustin and to Santa Elena.

[Bolton note: He [Menendez Marques] returned to Havana and in January, 1567, accompanied Menéndez to Florida.

[Bolton note: Catherine of France claimed innocence of any intent to encroach on Spanish domains. When she heard of Menendez's destruction of Fort Caroline she was angry. But her need of Philip's support in her struggle with her Protestant subjects made it impossible openly to strike back. Popular indignation, however, was strong. An account of the attack by Le Challeux, one of the survivors, was published and went through two editions within a few months. A deputation of the widows of the dead soldiers of Fort Caroline went to Paris to appeal. The Queen could not avenge the wrong, so the task was undertaken by a private individual. Gourgues had a grievance of his own, for he had been captured by Spaniards and had served as a galley slave. It has never been proved that Queen Catherine secretly aided him, but Spaniards will never believe otherwise. It was given out that his objective was the slave trade, and Dr. Shea considered him as "merely a slaver." His commission authorized him to visit the African coasts, which he did. Thence he sailed to the West Indies, where he spent considerable time in trading and other occupations. Lowery says that he had one hundred arquebusiers and eighty sailors "all well armed." He landed on the island of Tacatacuru (Cumberland). Its chief, Tacatacuru, was an ally of Saturiba, whose village was south of St. Johns River. Gourgues learned the situation at San Mateo from Pierre Debray, a survivor of the Spanish attack, who had been rescued by the Indians and had lived among them. When the assault was made on the first outposts "the Spaniards had just dined and were still picking their teeth." The attack was on April 12 [1567], first Sunday after Easter. The captives were hanged on trees. A pine plank was inscribed with a hot iron with the words "I do this not as to Spaniards, nor as to Marranos, but as to traitors, robbers and murderers." Lowery does not mention the escape of Villaroel. He (citing Gaffarel) implies that Gourgues was eventually rewarded for his work in Florida. One of Gourgues' men walked overland from Florida to Tampico. He might have met the Ingram party, members of the Hawkins expedition, going the other way, from Tampico to New England.

[Bolton note: In May, 1567, Menendez sailed from Santa Elena for Spain, after a year and eight months of strenuous and efficient labors.]

[Bolton note: In 1570 he [Menendez Marques] issued an order for the execution of fifteen unruly Caloosa chieftains.

[Bolton note: In that year [1570] he [Menendez Marques] went to Santa Elena and put down a revolt of the Indians, and then proceeded to Havana, where he was made lieutenant-governor. After a short stay he returned to San Mateo to put down a mutiny.

[Bolton note: Arredondo's distinction here is correct. Spain had settlements all the way up the coast to Santa Elena, but none beyond that place after 1570, when Father Segura's mission in Virginia was destroyed.

[Bolton note: In 1571 Menendez returned to Florida for the last time, with six hundred and fifty people for his colony. On reaching Havana he learned of the massacre of Father Segura's band in Virginia, and proceeded thither at once. On July 22 [1571] he reached Santa Elena, whose garrison at Fort San Felipe he reenforced. Going to Axacan (Virginia) he hanged eight Indians to the yardarms of his ship.

[Bolton note: Lopez de Velasco, writing about 1574, states that "in 1572 it was moved to the mainland" (Geografia y Description General de las Indias, Madrid, 1894). If that be the case, the two earlier removals were from one part of the island to another.

[Bolton note: Gourgues was not by any means the last of the French intruders. An old document, dated in 1572, tells of a band of eighty-seven Frenchmen in the interior, apparently in the New Mexico region, in or before 1572. The authenticity of the old MS. has not been fully established. Bands of Frenchmen continued to harass the Florida coast for a long time.]

[Bolton note: Returning to San Agustin, in April, 1572, he [Menendez] went to Havana, thence to Spain, never to return.]

[Bolton note: Lopez de Velasco, writing about 1574, states that "in 1572 it was moved to the mainland" (Geografia y Description General de las Indias, Madrid, 1894). If that be the case, the two earlier removals were from one part of the island to another.

[Bolton note: Dr. Caceres tells us in 1574 that "Sancto Agustin, where the fort and people first were, is a small island, and Santo Agustin where the fort and people now are is [almost] another, close to the former, where the fort was at first. This place where it is now is almost an island, for it is nearly surrounded by water, although it is open on one side, where one can pass to the mainland. It is in 2914°, and is three or four leagues long." (Dr. Caceres, Havana, November 1574, A. G. I, 54-2-2.)

[Bolton note: A memorandum by Dr. Cargeres, for November, 1574, thus describes the settlement: "Santa Elena, where the fort is, is not mainland of Florida, but a little island. It is one league long and half a league wide, in places much less. The length of it runs from northwest to southeast, and it is in thirty-two and one-half degrees. It has a harbor, and an estuary from the sea like a river runs from the harbor to the port; and from the harbor where the ships anchor to the port it must be a gunshot, a little more or less. Close to the bank of the estuary is the port." The island was then timber-covered, but clearings had been made, suificient to plant seven or eight bushels of corn. "In the gardens of the houses and huts they plant lettuce, radishes, cabbage, pumpkins, and seed," etc. "This fort is built of timbers and boards made by the soldiers." (A. G. I., 54-2-2. Documento no numerado. 2 pliegos en mal estado. Original y de letra del Dr. CAceres. Habana, November, 1574.)

[Bolton note: Four years later Inspector Alonso Flores reported of the fort that the sea was again "eating it and doing it much damage." He recommended that it be moved "one hundred feet further back, out of reach of the water." He also recommended that when rebuilt the alignment should be northeast-southwest, instead of east and west as it then was (Flores, report of inspection, 1578, A. G. L, 2-5-2/10).

[Bolton note: Four years later (October 12, 1578) Captain Alvaro Flores inspected Santa Elena and reported. There were within the new fort fifty soldiers. The platform, made of heavy timbers, was mounted with five large cannon. The city and fort were now called San Marcos. Fort San Felipe had been "lost." (Inspection by Captain Alvaro Flores, A. G. L, 2-5-2/10.)]

[Bolton note: Ralph Lane and Sir Richard Grenville took out a colony [from England to Virginia] in 1585.

[Bolton note: In 1585 Elizabeth proclaimed an embargo against Spain and issued letters of reprisal to Drake and others. Drake had already made several raids in Spanish-American waters.

[Bolton note: By August, 1585, he [Drake] had assembled a new fleet of twenty-one ships and four pinnaces. Two were ships of the Royal Navy. Among the commanders were Martin Frobisher and Francis Knollys. Christopher Carlisle was commander of the land forces. Drake's orders required him to proceed to ports where English ships were delayed and release them. It was a well matured plan to destroy Spain's commerce and her colonial empire. "The three great centers—San Domingo, Cartagena, and Panama—were each to be taken in turn; while Havana, the rendezvous of all the homeward bound fleets and the key of the whole system, was, if possible, to be permanently occupied, whereby Mexico would be blockaded as completely as Peru, the Central Provinces, and the Spanish Main."

[Bolton note: The [Drake] expedition sailed from Plymouth on September 14 [1585]; Santo Domingo was taken as a "New Year's gift;" during the same month Cartagena was held for ransom, but plans against Havana failed.

[Bolton note: After several months of hardship the colonists were picked up by Drake in 1586 and carried back to England.

[Bolton note: They had scarcely left when Grenville brought supplies and left a small garrison.

[Bolton note: Though it was evidently not a part of the original project, Drake then directed his efforts against San Agustin, which he reached May 27. A member of Drake's party wrote: "There was about 250 houses in this town, but we left not one of them standing."—Julian S. Corbett, The Spanish War, pp. vi-xv, 69-74; Ynformacion hecha en S. Agustin de la Florida, sobre la entrada que hizo en aquellas Provincias el cosario Yngles francisco Draque, saqueando, robando y quemando el fuerte donde se hallaban las Cajas Reales y de bienes de difuntos, 1586 (A. G. L, 54-5-9); E. J. Payne and C. R. Beasley, Voyages of Drake and Gilbert: Select Narratives from the Principal Navigations of Hakluyt (Oxford, 1909), 268-271).]

[Bolton note: The following year [1587] a third colony came out under John White, only to find that the men left by Grenville had been massacred by Indians. White returned to England.

[Bolton note: The extent of Spanish activity at Santa Elena in the years following the withdrawal of the garrison in 1587 is not clear, but until the middle of the seventeenth century Santa Catalina seems generally to have been the northernmost permanent settlement. By 1655, however, missions had been reopened at Port Royal.

[Bolton note: In 1588 Vicente Gonzalez examined the whole coast as far as Chesapeake Bay looking for Raleigh's colony, but he saw no signs of it. On July 17, 1588, Governor Marques wrote: "I sent Captain Vincente Gonzales and a nephew of mine in a vessel very fast of sail and oar, to go running the coast as high as the thirty-ninth degree of latitude, which is above the Bay of Santa Maria [Chesapeake Bay]. He took skillful men with him, that should the English have settled in that direction, he might make discovery of whatsoever existed. He set out at a good time, in the beginning of June." (Letter of Gov. Pedro Menendez Marques to the King, Havana, July 17, 1588. Printed in the Historical Magazine, Vol. Ill, 275-276.) See also, Channing, History of the United States, I (1907), 124-130; Ruidlaz, La Florida, II, 498; Brooks, Old St. Augustine, 79.]

[Bolton note: The war with Spain now absorbed all England's attention and no relief was sent to the colony till 1591, when White returned to Roanoke Island. The colony had disappeared, no one knows how, or where, even to this day.

[Bolton note: The sea continued to encroach on the fortification. In 1595 it did great damage to Anastasia Island, the harbor, the fort, and the town. In 1600 Alonso de las Alas reported that the site was bad, "from the fact that the sea has broken in and destroyed the entrance to the harbor, and an island [Santa Anastasia] lying in front of the town, which was its defense against the attacks of the sea. Consequently the tide entered on the 22d of September of the past year of [15]95 with such fury that it overflowed entirely and overthrew many houses ... as well as a part of the fort, moving and sweeping away the walls and fortifications on the side of the sea, as a result of the fort being made of timbers and sand and brushwood, the foundation not being solid enough to make it of stone, since by digging one cubit water is found, and since it is all sand. In some of the houses water rose to the height of a man, and not much less in the one that I live in. The sea rose in this manner because behind this place there is another sea and channel called San Sebastian, close to the town of San Sebastian, an Indian town." The flood ruined "a great many fruit trees which had already grown large in the orchards." (Las Alas, Parrafo de una Carta a S. M. January 13, 1600. A. G. I., 64-5-14. See also Lowery, Florida, 159.)]]

[Bolton note: Vejeces (Bejesi, Vejezes) was an Indian village on the north end of San Pedro. Father Chozas speaks of "the chief of Bejesi and the fiscal of the said doctrina" arriving at his village of Puturiba on October 4, 1597. San Pedro Island was Cumberberland Island, and San Pedro and Puturiba were villages or pueblos there. (Testimony on the massacre of the Franciscans in Guale, 1597-1598. A. G. I., 54-5-9.)]

[Bolton note: Between 1602 and 1606 several English voyages were made to the coasts of New England and Virginia.

[Bolton note: On April 10, 1606, James I authorized the London Company to settle between 34s and 41°. Most prominent in the London Company and its treasurer was Thomas Smith. The first expedition sent by the company to Virginia was headed by Christopher Newport. Bartholomew Gosnold commanded one of the vessels, the Goodspeed. John Smith was a member of the colony and had a seat in the first council.

[Bolton note: Newport [of the London Co.] set sail [for VA] December 19, [1606] and followed the usual Spanish route by way of the West Indies.

[Bolton note: Cape Henry was reached [by Newport of the London Co.] April 26, 1607.

[Bolton note: The founding of Jamestown was the occasion for two Spanish expeditions from Florida to Chesapeake Bay (1609-1611) and for emphatic protests to the English court by Spanish diplomats. See Brown, Genesis of Virginia; Wright, I. A., in American Historical Review, XXV, pp. 448-479; Wertenbaker, T. J. Virginia under the Stuarts, 1607-1688 (Princeton, 1914), Chapter I; Channing, Edward, History of the United States, I (New York, 1907), Chapter VI.]

[Bolton note: In 1629 Sir Robert Heath obtained a patent to lands between 36° and 31° [North Carolina] but did nothing to improve them.

[Bolton note: In England, Virginia, Barbados, and Maryland were regarded as strongholds of Royalism, and were especial marks of suspicion. By an ordinance of Parliament trade with these three colonies without a license was forbidden. In October, 1649, immediately after the execution of the king, the Virginia Assembly declared for Charles II.

[Bolton note: Parliament met the [VA] situation by sending Dennis at the head of a Commission with two ships to subdue the colony. Instructions to Dennis "to effect by the blessings of God the ends aforesaid" were issued September 26, 1651. ("Virginia in 1650-1652," in Virginia Historical Magazine, Vol. XVII, 282.) Sir George Ayscue, who was sent on a similar commission to the Barbados, was instructed to cooperate with Dennis (ibid., 281). See also Charming, History of the United States, I, pp. 496-497; Wertenbaker, Virginia under the Stuarts, Chapter IV; Clowes, William Laird, The Royal Navy, II, 139; Mcllwaine and Kennedy, Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1619-1658-9, pp. 79-81 (Richmond, 8 vols., 1905-1910). Arredondo implies that Hiriviscon went to Carolina, not yet founded. Barcia, whom he follows (op. cit., 217-218), plainly states that Hiriviscon went to Virginia.]

[Bolton note: The extent of Spanish activity at Santa Elena in the years following the withdrawal of the garrison in 1587 is not clear, but until the middle of the seventeenth century Santa Catalina seems generally to have been the northernmost permanent settlement. By 1655, however, missions had been reopened at Port Royal.

[Bolton note: It was in 1663 that the first Carolina patent was granted to eight proprietors (Cooper, Clarendon, Craven, Albemarle, Carteret, Lord Berkeley, Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley). Their grant embraced the area between 36° and 31°. Two years later the grant was extended on the north to 36°-30' and on the south to 29°. Charleston, for some time the southernmost settlement, is near 33°. The Carolinas were not technically separated till 1713, when each was given a governor. However, they had been practically distinct settlements from the first.]

[Bolton note: It was in 1663 that the first Carolina patent was granted to eight proprietors (Cooper, Clarendon, Craven, Albemarle, Carteret, Lord Berkeley, Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley). Their grant embraced the area between 36° and 31°. Two years later the grant was extended on the north to 36°-30' and on the south to 29°. Charleston, for some time the southernmost settlement, is near 33°. The Carolinas were not technically separated till 1713, when each was given a governor. However, they had been practically distinct settlements from the first.]

[Bolton note: In 1686 an expedition sent by Cabrera destroyed the Scotch settlement at Santa Elena. After this Spain made no direct effort to reoccupy the place before 1742. It is in this sense that Spain abandoned Santa Elena in 1686. See Introduction, pp. 4144.]

[Bolton note: She had a post at Apalachicola which was withdrawn in 1691.

[Bolton note: A Spanish force under Uriza was driven back from the Flint River by English and Creek allies (1702).

[Bolton note: Colonel Robert Daniel of South Carolina destoyed the surviving mission settlements on the Southern Guale coast, plundered San Agustin, and, aided by Governor Moore, besieged the castle, which was successfully defended by Governor Zuniga for fifty days (1702).

[Bolton note: In 1704 Moore, no longer governor, with a thousand Creek allies, destroyed Ayubale and twelve other Apalache mission towns and carried off 1400 Indian prisoners. The murder of Fathers Parga and Miranda is one of the disgraces of American border warfare.

[Bolton note: In 1706 a combined Spanish and French force failed in an attack on Charleston.

[Bolton note: It was in 1663 that the first Carolina patent was granted to eight proprietors (Cooper, Clarendon, Craven, Albemarle, Carteret, Lord Berkeley, Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley). Their grant embraced the area between 36° and 31°. Two years later the grant was extended on the north to 36°-30' and on the south to 29°. Charleston, for some time the southernmost settlement, is near 33°. The Carolinas were not technically separated till 1713, when each was given a governor. However, they had been practically distinct settlements from the first.]

[Bolton note: On May 13, 1718, "Joachin Boto, Englishman," arrived at San Agustin and reported to Governor Ayala that English or Scotchmen had landed 200 persons on the Island of Santa Catalina (St. Catherines). Ayala sent to Mexico for help to dislodge them (Barcia, Ensayo Cronoldgico, 340-343).]

[Bolton note: Jones (History of Georgia, I, p. 68), makes it appear that at this time [1721], before Oglethorpe's day, England maintained a fort on Cumberland Island. I have seen no warrant for this opinion. Jones states that Fort King George was located at the junction of the Oconee and Ocmulgee rivers. It was, however, near the mouth of the Altamaha. The confusion is due to the term "the forks of the Altamaha." The river has two mouths. The forks here means the place where they separate. Jones also tells us that plans were made for two towns on the Altamaha, but never executed. His assertion that the Spaniards looked "with an eye of seeming indifference" (p. 69) is not warranted, as the correspondence shows.]

Picture: Bowen’s map of the Georgia country, 1748