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I ej*j Southeastern Archaeology ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ysea20 3 Routledge Taylor &. Francis Group Spanish Florida's eighteenth-century presidios and the tale of their ceramics Judith A. Bense To cite this article: Judith A. Bense (2021) Spanish Florida’s eighteenth-century presidios and the tale of their ceramics, Southeastern Archaeology, 40:4, 231-247, DOI: 10.1080/0734578X.2021.1968566 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/0734578X.2021.1968566 SOUTHEASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY Routledge Taylor & Francis Croup 2021, VOL. 40, NO. 4, 231-247 0 Check for updates https://doi.org/10.1080/0734578X.2021.1968566 Spanish Florida's eighteenth-century presidios and the tale of their ceramics Judith A. Bense Department of Anthropology, University of West Florida, Pensacola, FL, USA ARTICLE HISTORY Received 3 May 2021 Accepted 11 August 2021 KEYWORDS Spanish colonial; presidio; St. Augustine; West Florida; pensacola; ceramic temporal types ABSTRACT At the turn of the eighteenth century, two military presidios - West Florida and San Agustin -anchored the shrinking and besieged colony of Spanish Florida. Unlike San Agustin that stayed in one place, the West Florida presidio was relocated three times, creating four geographically separate and chronologically sequential sites of the same community and enabling fine-grained temporal analyses. Here, I analyze ceramic trends that reveal three Mexican majolica types, Olive Jar, and the tempering agents of Native American ceramics that are temporally sensitive. However, these ceramic trends are a cautionary tale as they may be specific only to the West Florida Hispanic and Native American settlements in this region. When comparing the ceramics from West Florida and San Agustin, the main difference is a much higher proportion of Native American ceramics in San Agustin, which I attribute to the presence of many Indian and local mestizo women in their households. This demographic was not as substantial in West Florida. The differences in the two eighteenth-century Spanish Florida presidios reflects flexibility at the local level in implementing a highly regulated Spanish imperial system that enabled their colonial empire to include innumerable indigenous cultures in a variety of historic circumstances. Spanish Florida during the first six decades of the eighteenth century was a turbulent place with both Britain and France aggressively encroaching from the north and west. At the turn of the eighteenth century, two colonial military presidios - West Florida and San Agustin -anchored the shrinking and besieged Spanish province of La Florida. Long-term archaeological and historical research in both communities has generated a large body of information conducive to many different kinds of studies. Here I analyze ceramic trends as a window into the different relationships between the ethnic groups, genders, and trade in the two presidio communities. As the West Florida presidio had four locations in only 65 years, the four geographically separate and chronologically sequential sites - all of which have been relocated and archaeologically investigated - provide an unusual opportunity to identify several temporal ceramic trends, some of which are tied to changes in ceramic production and the market in New Spain. The temporally sensitive ceramics in West Florida are documented in this study and include three Mexican majolicas, Olive Jar, and Native American tempering agents. However, this analysis presents a cautionary tale because whether these ceramics are temporal markers in other regions of Florida or other colonies of the Spanish Empire has yet to be demonstrated. Historical background and context The early sixteenth-century discovery and exploitation of major gold and silver deposits in present-day Mexico and Bolivia directed the course of Spanish colonial history in the Americas. The large resident indigenous populations (Aztecs and Incas) in both regions were quickly conquered and, consequently, became the labor force to mine and process the precious metals. The Spanish colonial population was concentrated in the area between central New Spain and Bolivia (then Peru) to take advantage of the many opportunities for wealth and advancement, and, as a result, very few Spaniards went to Spanish Florida. CONTACT Judith A. Bense @ ibense@iiwf.edu ffj Department of Anthropology, University of West Florida, 11,000 University Parkway, Pensacola, FL, 32514, USA © Southeastern Archaeological Conference 2021 As soon as the wealth of the Americas began to be extracted, Spanish ports in the Caribbean and ships carrying the bullion became targets for Spain’s European rivals. Piracy was rampant during the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the Spanish fortified key ports and patrolled the shipping lanes to combat the plethora of pirates hiding in the Caribbean islands (Deagan 2003:18). Unfortunately, the routes to Havana where the bullion was gathered were well known and predictable. The treasure fleet or flota assembled in Havana, sailed east to the Florida Straits to catch the strong Gulf Stream current, continued north along the Atlantic coast for over 500 miles, and finally headed east to Spain. The most vulnerable part of the flota voyage was the long stretch along the Atlantic coast of Spanish Florida. By the mid-sixteenth century, the Spanish had tried and failed several times to establish a settlement on the Atlantic coast to protect their fleets. As an alternative, they chose to avoid this area altogether and establish a new port on the northern coast of the Gulf of Mexico at Pensacola Bay. From Pensacola, the plan was to make an overland road to Port Royal, South Carolina, on the Atlantic coast near the Gulf Stream’s eastward turn to Europe and construct a second fortified settlement there. This effort was led by Tristan de Luna y Arellano in 1559, but only five weeks after arriving in Pensacola and beginning to build a settlement -named Santa Maria de Ochuse - a hurricane struck and destroyed all the unloaded food and supplies for the group of 1,500 people, dooming the entire venture (Worth et al. 2020). Weary of expensive failures to establish a settlement in La Florida, King Philip announced in 1561 that Spain no longer had an interest in settling the southeastern part of North America (DePratter and South 1990:4; Lyon 1996:40; Quinn 1979:2000). The French took immediate advantage of the situation the very next year when Jean Ribault secretly established two coastal forts on the Atlantic: Charlesfort at Port Royal, South Carolina, and Fort Caroline near Jacksonville, Florida (Lyon 1996:74; McGrath 2000:71). Soon afterward, the Spanish, led by Pedro Menendez de Aviles, drove the French out of Fort Caroline in 1565 and founded San Agustin nearby. Menen-dez discovered the abandoned Charlesfort installation the next year and established Santa Elena there, which was designated as the first colonial capital of Spanish Florida (DePratter and South 1990; Lyon 1976:156157, 1996:48). Menendez also built 14 other small but short-lived forts in the interior west of Santa Elena and the Florida peninsula, but only San Agustin survived (Beck et al. 2016; Hudson 2005). With San Agustin and Santa Elena established on the Atlantic coast, the Spanish shifted their attention to protecting the Caribbean Sea and Gulf of Mexico routes along with their northern frontier in North America. A two-pronged defense system was devised, consisting of a new Spanish Armada Windward Fleet (Armada de Barlovento) to patrol the Caribbean and Gulf along with a chain of fortified military installations (presidios) across southern North America to protect the northern frontier from hostile indigenous groups and rival Europeans and to defend the Spanish missions and settlers there. Known as the Borderlands, this northern frontier included three colonial provinces: Florida, northern New Spain, and Alta California (Bolton 1921; Weber 1992, 2005). The first presidio in the Americas was San Agustin, and rapid expansion into northern New Spain soon followed. While a coast-to-coast chain of military installations was never achieved, at least 52 presidios were eventually built: 32 in northern New Spain (Williams 2004), 16 in La Florida (Childers 2004), and four in Alta California (Lightfoot 2005). Covert French intrusions into Spanish Florida occurred again between 1682 and 1685 and resulted in the creation of the Louisiana colony and a fort named Fort St. Louis on the Texas coast by Rene-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle (Weddle 1991:3-8, 19-25). When the Spanish learned of this intrusion so close to the central core of New Spain and their silver mines there, they made two strategic decisions: first, find and destroy French Fort St. Louis, and second, establish a presidio on the unprotected northern Gulf coast. They finally found the French fort in 1689, but it had already been abandoned and destroyed (Weber 1992:151-152). In 1698, the Spanish established a new presidio named Santa Maria de Galve on Pensacola Bay on the northern Gulf coast. Within months, the French arrived and built a fort (Fort Maurepas) near Biloxi, Mississippi, about a hundred miles west of Pensacola Bay and a second fort (Fort Mississippi) near the mouth of the Mississippi River. In 1702, they built the first capital of the Louisiana colony named Fort Louis de la Louisiane (Old Mobile) near the head of Mobile Bay, only 50 miles west of Pensacola Bay (Higginbotham 1977; Waselkov 1991, 1999; Weber 1992). The creation of the Louisiana colony and associated French settlements ended Spain’s exclusive control of the Gulf coast and set the western border of Spanish Florida between Mobile and Pensacola Bays; the state of Florida’s western border has remained there to the present day. Different departments of the colonial government of New Spain administered and supported the two presidios in Spanish Florida. San Agustin was an official Crown colony governed by royal appointees and subsidized by royal revenues because of its defensive role in protecting the Bahamas Channel and the Straits of Florida (Bushnell 1994:43; Deagan 1983:23). In addition, an extensive mission system developed along the Georgia coast and across north Florida between 1587 and 1704 that provided significant food and labor for Presidio San Agustin (Bushnell 1994; Hann 1988; McEwan 1993). On the other hand, West Florida was administered by the Armada that protected the Caribbean and Gulf coasts and ships of Spanish America from pirates and privateers. The West Florida presidio was under the direct control of the viceroy of New Spain, who appointed a governor to administer the installation (Childers 2004:27-28). Eighteenth-century Spanish Florida presidios Though the two Spanish Florida presidios shared a common military focus and economic dependence on government subsidy (situado), there were significant disparities in their longevity of location, population size, and demographic composition. Presidio San Agus-tin was established in 1565 in its current location, which is now the southern portion of downtown St. Augustine (Deagan 1983; Manucy 1992). Despite many damaging attacks and fires, the community has remained in the same location to the present day. In contrast, the West Florida presidio community began developing 133 years after San Agustin, and it was built and abandoned four times in only 65 years because of military attacks, international treaties, and natural disasters. Three of the locations were on Pensacola Bay and one was on St. Joseph Bay, 115 miles to the east (Figure 1). Associated with each West Florida presidio location were military outposts, allied refugee Native American mission villages (Apalachee and Yamasee), and short-lived Lower Creek villages and encampments in the interior (Table 1). Figure 1. Spanish and Native American sites in East and West Florida mentioned in text: (1) Presidio Santa Maria 1698-1719, (2) two Siguenza Point outposts 1703-1704 and 1718-1719, (3) Perdido Bay Apalachee village general vicinity 1705-1710, (4) Apalachee refugee mission village of Nuestra Senora de Soledad y San Luis general vicinity 1718-1741, (5) Yamasee Town refugee mission village 1740-1749, (6) Apalachee refugee mission village of San Joseph de Escambe 1741-1761, (7) Presidio Isla de Santa Rosa, Punta de Siguenza 1723-1756, (8) Yamasee refugee mission village of San Antonio de Punta Rasa I, (9) Presidio San Miguel de Panzacola 1756-1763 and Apalachee and Yamasee refugee village of San Antonio de Punta Rasa II 1761-1763. The first West Florida presidio location, Santa Maria de Galve, was on the mainland overlooking the entrance to Pensacola Bay. After 19 years of British-led Indian attacks, Santa Maria was captured by the French in 1719 at the beginning of the War of the Quadruple Alliance, and the French occupied it for three years. The Spanish retreated to a military outpost on St. Joseph Bay and built a new presidio, San Jose de Panzacola, on a barrier spit near the bay entrance. After only three years, the treaty ending the War of the Quadruple Alliance returned Pensacola Bay back to the Spanish. In 1722, the San Jose presidio was abandoned and a third new community, Isla de Santa Rosa, Punta de Siguenza, was constructed on a barrier island at the entrance to Pensacola Bay. After 31 years and suffering eight hurricanes that caused one almost-complete rebuild in 174143, the settlement was completely destroyed by a hurricane in 1752 and transferred to the fourth location on the mainland, San Miguel de Panzacola, eight miles from the bay entrance. San Miguel was abandoned nine years later in 1763 when Florida was awarded to the British in the Treaty of Paris ending the Seven Years War. I have recently synthesized and integrated Spanish Settlements (18) Type of Settlement Name Official Dates Length of Occupation Presidios (4) Santa Maria de Galve 1698-1719 21 years San Joseph de Panzacola 1719-1723 3 years Isla de Santa Rosa, Punta de Siguenza 1723-1756 32 years San Miguel de Panzacola 1756-1763 9 years Outposts (6) St. Joseph Bay, name unknown (2) 1700-1703/4 and 1718-1719 3 or 4 years and 1 year Punta de Siguenza (2) 1703-1704 and 1718-1719 1 and 1 year San Miguel de Punta Blanca 1741-1756 15 years Santa Rosa 1757-1763 6 years Native American Refugee Mission Villages (7) Apalachee (4) Perdido River, name unknown 1705-1710(?) 5 years Nuestra Senora de Soledad y San Luis 1718-1741 23 years San Andres 1720-1722(?) 2 years San Joseph de Escambe 1741-1761 20 years Yamasee (2) Yamasee Town 1740-1749 9 years San Antonio de Punta Rasa I 1749-1761 12 years Apalachee and Yamasee (1) San Antonio de Punta Rasa II 1761-1763 2 years British-Allied Native American Villages (3) Lower Creek Villages (3) Los Tobases 1759-1761 2 years Talacayche 1759-1761 2 years Chilacaliche 1715-1763 48 years French Settlements (2) Outposts (2) St. Joseph Bay (Fort Crevocoeur) 1718 1 year Pensacola Bay (former Santa Maria) 1719-1722 3 years Table 1. Presidio Period Sites in Spanish West Florida (1698-1763). the information recovered from the four West Florida presidio sites and the Presidio Period for West Florida (Bense 2022). The disruptions of violence, treaties, and hurricanes during the Presidio Period required the construction of four new presidio communities comprised of forts, buildings, homes, and outposts. The rebuilds were time consuming, expensive, labor intensive, and always hurriedly constructed. These factors kept the presidio community in the perpetual first stage of development. In addition, Native American raids led by the British and French kept the population tethered to the military installations for protection. It was not until the 1750s that the Spanish established ranches and farms in the interior away from the fort, but these were destroyed in the 1761 Indian War. Demographics In general, Florida attracted very few Spanish civilian colonists, but in San Agustin in the eighteenth century, people of European descent dominated the population both socially and numerically. As Kathleen Deagan (1983:30) explains, in 1763, 82% of the population was of European descent: 70% were people of Spanish descent born in the New World (criollos) and 12% were born in Spain (peninsulares). Racial mixing between Native Americans, Africans, and Spaniards was frequent throughout the Spanish Empire, and it is likely that the criollos were also racially mixed. The rest of the population in 1763 was 10% Black, 3% Indian, and 5% mixed ethnicity (Deagan 1983:30). Deagan points out that at the beginning of the eighteenth century, however, the Native American population of Presidio San Agustin was higher, and the proportion of people of European descent was much lower than it was later in the century. During the seventeenth century, a Spanish criollo elite (floridanos) developed in San Agustin composed of reserve officers (reformados) who had briefly served in the military, retired early, and drew a soldier’s pay but were exempt from guard duty (Bushnell 1994:31). The true ethnicity of many floridanos was mixed, although they did not advertise it. Parish marriage registers reveal that there was a transition over a few generations of some mestizos (Spanish and Indian) to criollo. Since 1587, following the abandonment of Santa Elena, San Agustin was the capital of the royal Florida colony, and as Amy Turner Bushnell (1996:64) describes, population growth was important. Because Spanish civilian colonists were scarce, the primary source of population growth was soldiers who were initially stationed at the presidio, married during their time there, and stayed to raise their families after their military service ended. This practice developed a retired military population of multigenerational families who worked primarily in military-related positions and enterprises. Spanish women in the community were also scarce, but Indian and mestizo women were not. The soldiers often took Indian or mestizo wives or had mestizo women in their households as cooks or servants. In 1580, more than 25% of domestic households in the town had a Native American woman present. Marriages between Spanish men and Indian and mestizo women were common throughout the colonial period (Deagan 1983:103). With the influx of Indian refugees to San Agustin during the eighteenth century, Spanish-Indian intermarriage occurred at a significant rate, and mestizo offspring made up an ever-increasing part of the population (Deagan 1973:59-60). The population of San Agustin in 1702 was approximately 1,000 people, and it grew to an all-time high of 3,104 at the time of the Spanish evacuation in 1763 (Deagan 1983:30). The West Florida presidio population was quite different from San Agustin’s in terms of composition and size. The total population was much smaller, fluctuating from a low of 80 to a high of about 1,200 with an average resident population between about 300 and 500 people (Bense 2022; Eschbach 2007). There were three population spikes when hundreds of mission Indian refugees, shipwreck survivors, or troops arrived under extraordinary but temporary circumstances. Including highs and lows, the average population at the West Florida presidio was about 450, and excluding the temporary spikes, the average was about 332 (Bense 2022). When the West Florida presidio was evacuated by the British in 1763, there were 815 people present, only a fourth of the number evacuated from San Agustin (Childers et al. 2007:22). Though the population at the West Florida presidio was much smaller than that of San Agustin, it was more ethnically diverse. In 1708, the population at the Santa Maria presidio was 41% mestizo, 34% criollo, and 25% mixed ethnicity (Clune 2003:25). While no other specific census of the West Florida presidio population has been found to date, almost all the people there were sent from central New Spain and were of mixed ethnicity, primarily mestizos. Such diversity was not the case at San Agustin, where there were more residents of European descent - peninsulares and criollos. Convicts sentenced to serve their prison terms at the presidios were another ever-present part of the population, and they were the primary source of labor in both Florida presidio communities. Group after group of prisoners was sent to Spanish West Florida and few returned. Some resident Indians lived in the West Florida presidio communities, but they were primarily paid laborers or visitors. There are historical mentions of a few Indian women in the community as soldiers’ wives and concubines, but the vast majority of the women in the West Florida presidio community were mestizos sent directly from Mexico City and Vera Cruz who were either already military wives or single women brought specifically to become soldiers’ wives (Bense 2022; Childers et al. 2007:24; Eschbach 2007). The area between Pensacola and San Agustin was virtually vacant of indigenous Indians after 1704 due to the destruction of the mission system (Hann 1988). Two groups of refugee Native Americans, Apalachee and Yamasee, settled in the Pensacola Bay area between 1718 and 1763. Each group had a small mission village that was moved once when the presidio was relocated from Santa Rosa Island to the mainland. The Indian villages were strategically located on the two main trade routes leading into the interior, and the Native Americans served as middlemen in illicit trade between the Spanish and British. Both mission villages were destroyed by British-led Creeks in the Indian War of 1761 (Worth 2018:328; Worth et al. 2012:5). A few military families were present from the beginning of the Spanish occupation in West Florida in 1698, and their number began to increase after 1741 when the Spanish made a concerted effort to increase the population in Pensacola by recruiting married soldiers and civilian families with the promise of land and private enterprise opportunities after they completed their service. As at Presidio San Agustin, military men who married and settled in the area with their new families were the primary group targeted to increase the population. Incentives of free land and military protection turned soldiers into the heads of colonist farming families who helped make the population more self-sustaining. Nonetheless, the number of families in West Florida had grown to only 32 in 1763 (Clune et al. 2003:41). Economy Spanish Florida was never a self-supporting colony, nor was it expected to be. Both presidios were defensive military outposts tasked with protecting Spanish shipping routes and maintaining borders. The people needed and sent to perform these goals were soldiers, not farmers or entrepreneurs. In addition, the locations of the presidios were in militarily strategic positions on the coasts, where the surrounding land was agriculturally and resource poor. Consequently, the San Agustin and West Florida presidios relied on a government subsidy to survive; the situado consisted of rations, wages, munitions, and bonuses (Bushnell 1994:44). The funds and supplies for the situado came from various places in Spanish America over time, and problems plagued it from the start. More often than not, the situado was late, incomplete, and generally unreliable. In addition, in Pensacola, some corrupt presidio governors took part of the situado wages to privately purchase goods that they then sold to soldiers for a large profit (Clune et al. 2003:66-67). Because of the ineffectiveness of the situado, the presidio communities developed other ways to survive, particularly through unauthorized trade with foreign countries such as the neighboring British and French colonies. Materials and methods Ceramic assemblages from four locations of the West Florida presidio as well as San Agustin serve as the material basis for this study. Under the supervision of the University of West Florida (UWF) Archaeology Laboratory, the artifact assemblages recovered from the West Florida presidio locations were classified, coded, and input into a relational database (Microsoft Access) using the same classification system. My recent synthesis of the West Florida presidio (Bense 2022) uses the West Florida presidio database exclusively, and assemblages recovered from each presidio location as well as the combined assemblage can be accessed in the online appendix for Bense (2022) in the University of Florida Digital Collections. The data presented in this study were also drawn from the West Florida presidio database and numerically agree with my 2022 synthesis. It is important to note that the cultural contexts of the presidios are slightly different. The West Florida presidio artifact assemblage is from both military (inside the forts) and domestic (households outside the forts) contexts, while the assemblage from San Agustin is entirely from domestic contexts. The ceramic assemblage from Presidio San Agustin used in this study was recovered from seven residential house lots, all of which were occupied between 1700 and 1763. The excavations and artifact classification were under the supervision of Kathleen Deagan, then curator of the Department of Anthropology at the Florida Museum of Natural History (FMNH). Both Deagan and UWF use the classification definitions published in her seminal work (Deagan 1987). It is also important to note that the analysis of Native American ceramics uses weight rather than sherd counts because the weights of Native American ceramic types are relatively comparable, unlike the Euro-American ceramic types whose weights differ greatly (for example, majolicas vs. coarse earthenwares). John Worth’s (2012, 2017) research of Native American ceramics during the eighteenth century concluded that Native American groups on the move in the Southeast generally continued using their traditional tempering agents, but surface treatments were quite flexible during this period of group migrations, shifting alliances, and the coalescence of different refugee ethnic groups. Following Worth’s detailed study, this analysis uses tempering agents rather than surface treatments to track changes through time. Ceramic trends in the West Florida presidios Though the continual disruption and relocation of the West Florida presidio was difficult for the residents and inhibited community development, it has provided unusual research opportunities for archaeologists and historians because it resulted in four geographically separate and chronologically sequential archaeological sites, sets of documents, and maps spanning only a 65-year period. This rare situation has enabled finegrained tracking of several aspects of this presidio community through time, one of which is their ceramics. As shown in Table 2, the total archaeological assemblage recovered from the four West Florida presidio sites is quite large, consisting of 94,501 counted items and 1,285.5 kg of weighed material. The largest counted assemblages were recovered from Santa Rosa (46.5%) and Santa Maria (33.9%), and the smallest were recovered from San Miguel (16%) and San Jose (3.6%). The proportions of artifact classes for the total assemblage from the presidio sites reveal that ceramics are the most abundant artifact class, with 57,769 sherds making up 61.5% of the 93,905 counted artifacts (excluding the artifact class “Other”). The four large ceramic assemblages with known occupation dates are particularly conducive to a search for temporal trends. This study conducted such an analysis of Euro-American and Native American ceramics and identified several distinct temporal trends, which are discussed below. Euro-American ceramic trends A comparison of the Euro-American ceramic assemblages from the four sequential presidio sites reveals two temporal trends: Settlement Count % Weight (kg) % Santa Rosa 43,899 46.5% 369.6 28.8% Santa Maria 32,018 33.9% 398.4 31.0% San Miguel 15,156 16.0% 405.3 31.5% San Jose 3,428 3.6% 112.2 8.7% Totals 94,501 1,285.5 Artifact Classa Ceramics Euro-American 37,642 40.1% 228.0 18.5% Ceramics Native American 20,127 21.4% 98.7 8.0% Metal 13,595 14.5% 157.4 12.8% Glass 13,013 13.9% 31.5 2.6% Building Material 6,335 6.7% 447.2 36.3% Lithics 1,842 2.0% 53.2 4.3% Fauna 717 0.8% 122.8 10.0% Flora 486 0.5% 27.4 2.2% Flora Modified 118 0.1% 64.9 5.3% Fauna Modified 30 0.0% 0.1 0.0% Totals 93,905 1,231.2 Table 2. Artifact and Class Totals at Sites of the West Florida Presidio. aArtifact class "Other” not included. • The San Miguel ceramic assemblage is markedly different from the assemblages of the previous three presidio sites. • The ceramic assemblages from the first three presidio sites have four temporally sensitive ceramic types. Only 10 ceramic types make up 85% of the 30,729 sherds that are classifiable to ceramic type (81.6% of the total ceramic assemblage), and four ofthese are temporally sensitive (Table 3). While the ceramic assemblages from the first three presidio communities are very similar at the ware and class levels of classification, the peak frequencies of four abundant ceramic types are different and distinct. The ceramic assemblage of the earliest presidio, Santa Maria, has two ceramic types that are at their maximum frequency: Puebla Polychrome and San Luis Polychrome, which account for 76% of the majolica recovered from the site (Figures 2 and 3). Puebla Polychrome makes up over half the majolica at Santa Maria but is almost absent at the presidio’s later locations. San Luis Polychrome also reaches its peak of 25.2% at Santa Maria and is present only in very small amounts (7%-9%) at the following sites. These two polychrome types are excellent ceramic temporal markers in West Florida between 1698-1719. Another ceramic type distinctive of the first two decades of the eighteenth century is Olive Jar (Figures 2 and 4). It makes up 25-31% of the non-majolica coarse earthenwares at Santa Maria and San Jose but drops to 4-6% afterward. The strong presence of Olive Jar at the two earliest presidio locations is a good temporal marker for 1698-1722. Based on these observations, an assemblage with a combination of more than 50% Puebla Polychrome majolica and 25-30% each of San Luis Polychrome majolica and Olive Jar is an exceptionally strong ceramic suite for the first two decades of the eighteenth century in Spanish West Florida. There is one temporally sensitive ceramic type for 1720-1754: Puebla Blue on White (Figures 2 and 4). Ceramic Typea Count %b El Morro 9,406 30.6% Majolica Puebla Blue on White 4,255 13.8% Lead Glazed Coarse Earthenware 2,739 8.9% Olive Jar 2,616 8.5% Majolica Puebla Polychrome 1,918 6.2% Majolica San Luis Polychrome 1,414 4.6% Coarse Earthenware Unglazed 1,208 3.9% Majolica Abo Polychrome 1,065 3.5% Majolica Blue on White 961 3.1% Delft Blue on White 523 1.7% Totals 26,105 85.0% Table 3. Top 10 Euro-American Ceramic Types in the Combined Assemblage of the West Florida Presidio. aTypes in bold are temporally sensitive. bPercent of combined ceramic assemblage from four presidio sites. This type suddenly bursts into West Florida ceramics at San Jose, where it constitutes 78% of majolicas after making up only 4.4% at the previous Santa Maria location. Just as it was at San Jose, Puebla Blue on White continues to be popular at the following presidio sites of Santa Rosa (63.4%) and San Miguel (34.4%). When Puebla Blue on White majolica constitutes over 34% of the majolicas, it signals a post-Santa Maria occupation by the Spanish in West Florida. The wide-scale popularity of Puebla Blue on White is also evidenced in the Old World bound ceramic cargo of the 1733 flota (Logan 1977; Skowronek 1984). Overall, majolicas recovered in Spanish West Florida were manufactured in Puebla (82.4%), Mexico City (17.3%), and Spain (0.3%), as shown in Figure 5b. Almost all of the majolica recovered from the West Florida presidio locations was made in the Puebla ceramic production center in New Spain, but a few types manufactured in Mexico City are present at the earliest West Florida presidio, Santa Maria (Figure 5a). The three temporally sensitive types of majolica sent to the military installations on the coast of West Florida correlate well with their dates of manufacture in the potteries of New Spain (Deagan 1987; Goggin 1968; Lister and Lister 1974). For example, Puebla Polychrome is the dominant majolica at Santa Maria (1698-1719), and Florence Lister and Robert Lister (1974:27) and Deagan (1987:82) state that this type was manufactured between 1650 and 1725 and was one of the dominant types produced at the Puebla potteries. The occupation of Santa Maria thus coincides with the last quarter century of the manufacture of Puebla Polychrome. It is possible that Puebla Polychrome was reaching the end of its popularity in New Spain during those last 25 years of production, and selling it to the military was likely a good way to get rid of the inventory for a profit. Deagan (1987:76) estimates that San Luis Polychrome was manufactured from 1650 to 1750. Like Puebla Polychrome, San Luis Polychrome peaks at Santa Maria, but its decline at the presidio sites thereafter could reflect a possible decrease during its last few decades of production. On the other hand, some majolicas were purchased by the military and sent to the far-flung West Florida presidios at the peak of their production in New Spain. Puebla Blue on White majolica, manufactured between 1700 and 1750, is the best example of this occurrence. With the waning popularity and production of Puebla Polychrome between 1700 and 1725, there was a surge in the production and sale of Puebla Blue on White at the Puebla potteries (Lister and Lister 1974:29). This increase is reflected at San Jose (17191722), where over three-quarters (78%) of the majolica Puebla Polychrome ■ San Luis Polychrome ■ Olive Jar ■ Puebla Blue on White Figure 2. Frequencies of temporally sensitive Euro-American ceramic types at sites of the West Florida presidio. at the newly established presidio is Puebla Blue on White (Figure 2). This type continued to be the most abundant majolica type at Santa Rosa (63.4%) and is second in frequency at San Miguel (34.4%). The rise and fall of the three temporally sensitive majolicas in West Florida appear to be directly related to changes in production at the Puebla pottery and the need to resupply three new presidio communities in 1698, 1719, and 1723 and support the rebuilding and resupplying of Santa Rosa in 1742. The ceramic assemblage recovered from Presidio San Miguel (1754-1763) is quite different from those of the previous three communities. The two most distinguishing temporal markers are the suddenly high proportions of non-Mexican-made ceramics (37.8%) and Euro-American ceramics in general (84.4%; Figure 6). As a consequence, San Miguel has the lowest proportions of Native American (15.6%) and Mexican-made ceramics (62.2%) of the four presidio communities. At the three previous locations, the Euro-American ceramic assemblages are 93-100% Mexican-made, and Native American ceramics make up 34-40% of the assemblage. The reason for the striking differences in the San Miguel ceramics is attributed to the new Spanish colonial trade policy that lifted Spain’s monopoly on trade and allowed merchants in their colonies Figure 3. Images of Puebla Polychrome majolica (a—c) and San Luis Polychrome majolica (d-f) from sites of the West Florida presidio. (Images courtesy of UWF Archaeology Institute.) to trade directly with other countries (Brading 2008; Kuethe and Andrien 2014:4-5). This policy change occurred in 1740 when the West Florida presidio was on Santa Rosa Island, and the 6.7% of non-Mexican-made ceramics found there is much higher than at any previous location. The increased proportion of non-Mexican ceramics at Santa Rosa signals the beginning of the implementation of the trade policy change. However, it is at San Miguel that the effect of the policy change is most evident. San Miguel was yet another fresh start for the West Florida presidio community, and for the first time there were resident private merchants engaging in brisk multinational trade during the last decade of the Spanish occupation (Benchley and Whitaker 2007). With ready access to merchants with a good supply of Euro-American ceramics, the San Miguel population could easily acquire all the Euro-American ceramics they needed, which, in turn, reduced the demand for Native American ceramics. Native American ceramic trends A large sample of Native American ceramics was recovered from the four presidio sites (20,127 sherds, 98.7 kg). Almost all (93.8% by weight) the Native American ceramics recovered from the West Florida presidio sites are tempered with one of the following ingredients: grog, sand, shell, or grit (Table 4 and Figure 7). Sand was frequently used as a tempering agent throughout the occupation of the West Florida presidio and, therefore, is not chronologically sensitive. Grog tempering, however, peaks at Santa Maria (55.8%) and noticeably declines afterward. The likely reason for the abundance of grog tempering at Santa Maria is attributed to the presence of Apalachee refugees from the San Luis mission near Tallahassee (Pigott 2015). Hundreds of Apalachees fled from violence and the destruction of their missions in 1704 and came to live, work, trade, and receive rations at Santa Maria for a few months Figure 4. Images of Puebla Blue on White majolica (a—c) and Olive Jar (d-e) from sites of the West Florida presidio. (Images courtesy of UWF Archaeology Institute.) (Clune 2003; Harris 1999). While most moved on to ally with the French on Mobile Bay, many Apalachee lived on at Santa Maria as paid laborers. Apalachees also had a mission village on the Escambia River from 1718 until evacuation in 1763, and the consistent minority of grog tempered ceramics at later locations of the presidio likely reflects their presence. Worth and his students have located and investigated the Apalachee refugee mission of San Joseph de Escambe (1741-1761; Figure 1), and almost all (83.1%) the ceramics are grog tempered (Worth 2012; Worth et al. 2015). Shell tempering quickly reaches its peak frequency (29.7%) at Santa Rosa and is either rare or absent at all other presidio locations. Shell tempering is associated with several Native American groups in the Mobile Bay area and the interior river valleys that flow into Mobile Bay. French traders used these rivers extensively in the early eighteenth century to bring goods downriver to Mobile Bay, and trade between Presidio Santa Rosa and Mobile is well documented (Clune et al. 2006; Waselkov and Gums 2000; Worth 2015). Norma Harris and Krista Eschbach (2006) interpret the high Figure 5. Proportions of majolica production centers (a) at sites of the West Florida presidio and (b) at combined West Florida presidio and San Agustin presidio. proportion of shell tempering at Santa Rosa as a reflection of both direct and down-the-line trade with traders and members of the many ethnic groups who visited Santa Rosa. Grit tempering reaches its peak frequency at San Jose (28.2%) and is either in minuscule proportions or absent at the other presidio locations. Overall, there are two distinct temporal patterns in Native American ceramics at the Spanish West Florida presidios. First, they make up 33.9-40.3% of the total ceramic assemblages at the first three locations but show a distinct decline at San Miguel (15.6%) due to the increased accessibility of Euro-American pottery in that community (Figure 6). Second, three types of temper have distinct frequency peaks: grog at Santa Maria, grit at San Jose, and shell at Santa Rosa. The temper changes in Native American ceramics are related to the different ethnic groups that settled in the Pensacola Bay area or visited the West Florida presidios. Comparison of the ceramic assemblages from the two Florida presidios The presidios of San Agustin and West Florida anchored the coastal borders of Spanish Florida but were separated by over 400 miles by land and 1,000 by sea. As described above, they were both fortified coastal military communities on the remote frontier of Spanish Florida charged with protecting the coasts and preventing encroachments by European rivals. Because the residents of both Florida presidios shared Hispanic culture, military purpose, source of supplies, support system, and contemporaneity, it is logical to expect that their Figure 6. Ratio of Euro-American and Native American ceramics (top) and Mexican vs. Non-Mexican made ceramics (bottom) from sites of the West Florida presidio. ceramic assemblages would be similar; however, this is not the case. Beginning in the 1970s, historical archaeological research led by Deagan and her students and colleagues at the University of Florida (UF) focused on the San Agustin presidio community between 1700 and 1763. Their research targeted residential house lots of seven documented families using material from closed features such as sealed floor middens, wells, and pits. The results were synthesized in Deagan’s (1983) seminal work, Spanish St. Augustine, and subsequent research and publications (Deagan 1976, 1987, 2007) as well as in several key master’s theses (Cumbaa 1975; King 1981; Shepard 1976). The ceramic assemblages from the four West Florida presidio communities are combined for comparative purposes with Presidio San Agustin. The most striking difference between the ceramics is the proportion of Native American ceramics (Table 5). In San Agustin, almost 70% of the ceramic assemblage was made by Native Americans; this is nearly double the percentage in West Florida. Deagan (1983:234) attributes the high proportion of Native American ceramics to the widespread presence of Indian and mestizo women in Hispanic households in San Agustin as wives and cooks who preferred to use their own ceramics for food preparation. As discussed above, this social practice developed in the seventeenth century in San Agustin, but it Settlement Weight (g) % San Miguel 1,853.8 1.9% Santa Rosa 45,989.6 46.6% San Jose 9,957.3 10.1% Santa Maria 40,890.0 41.4% Total 98,690.6 Temper Typea Weight (g) %b Grog 37,948.2 39.1% Sand 30,171.8 31.1% Shell 16,837.4 17.3% Grit 6,095.1 6.3% Grog Shell 4,139.0 4.3% Grit Grog 1,017.7 1.0% Limestone 223.4 0.2% Sponge Spicules 115.0 0.1% Mica 114.1 0.1% Mica Shell 99.2 0.1% Grog Mica 97.8 0.1% Grit Shell 85.8 0.1% Grit Mica 59.2 0.1% Bone Charcoal Fiber Grog 53.3 0.1% Grit Grog Shell 23.0 0.0% Charcoal Grog 12.0 0.0% Total 97,092.0 Table 4. Native American Temper Type Totals in the Combined Assemblage of the West Florida Presidio. aNo Unspecified. bPercent of combined Native American ceramics from all four presidio sites. did not develop in the West Florida presidio community. As a result of the differing family ethnic compositions and local customs in the San Agustin and West Florida presidios, Native American ceramics have two distinct meanings in the two communities. I interpret that the presence of Native American pottery in West Florida reflects an inadequate supply of Euro-American ceramics sent from New Spain, wherein the Native American pottery in the assemblage represents what was acquired to meet the community’s ceramic needs (Bense 2022). Therefore, while Native American ceramics are present in both the West Florida and San Agustin presidios, current thinking is that they reflect different behaviors. Deagan’s interpretation that intermarriage between Spanish or criollo men and Indian and mestizo women played a crucial role in acculturation and adaptive processes in the Spanish colonies inspired more research on Spanish or Hispanic colonial domestic life in other locations, such as Nan Rothschild’s (2003) research in New Mexico, Ross Jamieson’s (2000) study in Ecuador, and, notably, Barbara Voss’s (2008a, 2008b) work in California. These and other studies have documented that indigenous women played a variety of roles in Spanish colonial communities. At Presidio San Francisco in northern Alta California, there was social pressure and a specific policy against interracial marriage, and soldiers regularly raided non-missionized Indian villages and raped the women (Voss 2008b:196-198). In West Florida, Native American women were scarce and resided with their families at mission villages miles away from the presidio; as a result, there were few interracial marriages, especially after 1718. The women in the West Florida presidio community were mestizos brought directly from central New Spain and were either the wives of soldiers or single women intending to be future military wives. Aside from the different proportions and meanings of the Native American ceramics, the ceramic classes within the Euro-American assemblages from San Agus-tin and West Florida are both similar and different (Table 5). Both assemblages are relatively similar in their proportions of majolica tableware and nearly identical in their proportions of utilitarian other coarse earthenwares, but the countries of manufacture are different (Table 5). For example, the proportion of Mexican-made ceramics is 90.6% in West Florida but only 69.9% in San Agustin. Over a quarter (26%) of the Euro-American ceramics are British at San Agustin but make up only 5.2% in the West Florida assemblage. This high proportion of British ceramics in San Agustin is undoubtedly due to the active British traders from the Carolina and Georgia colonies close to San Agustin but far away from West Florida (Deagan 2007). On the other hand, there are three times more French ceramics in the West Florida presidio than in San Agustin, reflecting the presidio’s frequent trade with nearby Mobile and New Orleans and the great distance from San Agustin. A comparison of manufacture location of the majolica recovered from the two presidios (Figure 5b) reveals significant differences in the proportion of where majolica was manufactured. Over 82% of the majolica recovered in the West Florida presidio was made in Puebla, but in San Agustin, Puebla-manufactured majolica makes up only 43.9% (Figure 5b). Alternatively, majolicas made in Mexico City are the most abundant (56.1%) in San Agustin but make up only 17.3% in the West Florida presidio. These assemblages are similar in that very few to none of the majolicas were made in Spain. Overall, the ceramics left behind in both presidio communities tell much about their different histories, local practices, and demographics. Summary and conclusions The discovery of large gold and silver deposits in New Spain and Peru early in the sixteenth century attracted almost all of the Spanish colonial population to these regions, and very few people voluntarily went to Spanish Florida. The valuable minerals also attracted pirates and intrusions into Spanish territory by Spain’s European rivals. The Spanish established a two-pronged defense system to counter these threats in North America: the Windward Fleet to combat piracy in the Caribbean ■ Grog ■ Shell aGrit aSand San Miguel (1754-1763) Santa Rosa (1723-1754) San Jose (1719-1722) Santa Maria (1698-1719) Figure 7. Proportions of temper types at sites of the West Florida presidio. and Gulf and a string of presidios - starting with San Agustin in 1565 - across the Borderlands between Florida and California to prevent a land invasion. Florida played a role in both defense strategies as San Agustin protected the bullion fleets sailing north along the Atlantic coast and anchored the eastern end of the presidio chain. The West Florida presidio was established 133 years after San Agustin in 1698, primarily to oppose French and British threats to the northern Gulf coast. Both Florida presidios were backwater military installations, but in the seventeenth century, San Agustin Agustin Presidios: Culture Country of Manufacture. of Origin, Ceramic Classes, and West Florida San Agustin Culture of Origin Count % Count % Euro-American 37,104 64.8% 6,752 30.4% Native American 20,116 35.2% 15,478 69.6% Totals 57,220 22,230 Ceramic Class Count % Count % Other Coarse Earthenwares 18,750 50.5% 4,904 50.4% Majolica 15,280 41.2% 3,081 31.7% Delft 994 2.7% 862 8.9% Faience 634 1.7% 112 1.2% Porcelain 483 1.3% 140 1.4% Stoneware 399 1.1% 464 4.8% Redware 375 1.0% 0 0.0% Creamware 186 0.5% 168 1.7% Refined Earthenware 2 0.0% 0 0.0% Totals 37,103 9,731 Country of Manufacture Count % Count % Mexico 27,269 90.6% 5,905 69.9% France 1,158 3.8% 112 1.3% Britain 1,554 5.2% 2,200 26.0% Other 127 0.4% 235 2.8% Total Typable Euro-American Ceramics 30,108 8,452 Table 5. Comparison of the West Florida (Combined) and San developed a sizable residential population of floridanos who were primarily retired military men and their mixed-ethnicity families. The four locations of the West Florida presidio created four separate and sequential archaeological sites and reams of historical documents. This separation has presented researchers the rare opportunity to track many aspects of the community through a period of only 65 years. Tracking the community’s ceramic history revealed several temporal types in the four locations of the West Florida presidio. Two types of majolica - Puebla Polychrome and San Luis Polychrome - and the utilitarian Olive Jar frequencies peak in the first two decades of occupation (16981723). A different majolica type - Puebla Blue on White - dominates the next three decades (17231753). The temporally sensitive majolica types correlate with the production cycles in the Puebla potteries both in the waning years of manufacture of two types and the fast startup of a third. In the last decade (1754-1763), non-Spanish-made ceramics spike and reflect the relaxing of the Spanish trade monopoly and the presence of international traders in the Presidio San Miguel community. The tempering agents used in Native American pottery also change through time from grog (Santa Maria) to grit (San Jose) to shell (Santa Rosa). A comparison of the ceramic assemblages from the contemporaneous presidios of San Agustin and West Florida brings to light one significant difference: the proportions of Native American ceramics. Over two-thirds of the pottery recovered from San Agustin is Native American made, whereas only 35.2% of the West Florida ceramic assemblage is Native American (Table 5). The high proportion in San Agustin is attributed to the long-term presence of Indian and mestizo women in many households who used their own pottery for food preparation but Mexican tableware for serving. The low proportion of Native American ceramics in the West Florida presidio communities corresponds to the sparse Indian population that lived many miles from the presidios. Historical records consistently report that almost all the women at the presidio were mestizos sent from New Spain who used Mexican ceramics for both cooking and serving. Based on these facts, I interpret the Indian-made ceramics from the sites of the West Florida presidio as evidence of the community’s undersupply of Mexican ceramics and the need for locally purchased alternatives. While the two presidio communities shared similarities in culture of origin (Hispanic/Mexican), purpose (military), support (situado), and trade with European neighbors, the previous 133 years of continuous occupation in one location enabled the San Agustin presidio community to develop a different way of life than its West Florida counterpart. The population in West Florida was less than half that of San Agustin, and almost all the people were mixed-ethnicity mestizos directly from central New Spain. The four relocations of the West Florida presidio and continued British and French-led Indian attacks kept the community physically and demographically disrupted and perpetually in the first stage of construction, which hindered development of a multigenerational community in the region. In conclusion, the ceramic temporal trends and assignment of different meanings to the Native American pottery is a cautionary tale. It is only because a great deal is known about both Florida presidio communities that we can parse out these interpretations. Each Spanish colonial situation was different as the Spanish adapted to a wide variety of circumstances in their sprawling North American territory. Much more certain is the analysis of temporal trends in ceramics from the West Florida presidio sites afforded by the special circumstances that forced one community to move three times in 65 years. The identification of temporally sensitive majolica types and Olive Jar at the first three locations of the West Florida presidio is clear. However, these same ceramic types may or may not be temporal markers in other Spanish colonial areas. Further research at other Spanish colonial presidios is needed to sort out the meaning of Native American ceramics in a variety of cultural contexts and conditions. On the broader level of Spanish colonialism, it appears that flexibility at the local level was a very important element to the more than 300-year duration of the Spanish Empire that spread across innumerable indigenous cultures and historic circumstances in the Americas. Local circumstances were quite different and determined how colonial policies could be best applied and when they needed to change. These changes included race relations, classifying new identities from mixed-race marriages and their offspring, slavery, and freedoms. For example, relationships with indigenous groups varied from severe repression and near extermination to subsidization and gift giving to leaders of local groups to solicit their alliance. Another example is the variation in the roles of women of different ethnicities in the colonial communities, which ranged from miscegenation to rape and murder. Local circumstances and flexibility were always important in Spanish colonial settlements, but not so much in the colonies of other European nations. This topic of flexibility and the wide range of practices encouraged and allowed in the colonies of Spain deserves more consideration and thought in the future. Acknowledgments The overall research on the presidios of Spanish West Florida was made possible by the faculty, staff, and students in the archaeology program at the University of West Florida between 1985 and 2015. The Archaeology Institute faculty and staff curated all the materials, databases, and documentation from the presidio research that was well organized and easily accessible for this study. I would like to individually acknowledge the Institute Director, Elizabeth Benchley, who made key archaeological staff available for this research, especially Jan Lloyd, Laboratory Director, and Jennifer Mel-cher, database and graphics manager. Special thanks go to Kyndall Barcomb for an excellent job reviewing and copyediting the manuscript, which resulted in timely publishing. Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s). Funding No funds specifically related to this article were requested or received. Data availability statement Data from the West Florida presidio sites are available on the University of Florida Digital Collections (UFDC) and also curated at the UWF Archaeology Institute in Pensacola. Data from Presidio San Agustin are curated in the Florida Museum of Natural History at the University of Florida in Gainesville. Notes on the contributor Judith A. Bense is Professor Emerita of Anthropology/ Archaeology and President Emerita of the University of West Florida (UWF) in Pensacola, Florida. She has authored or edited four research books: Archaeology of the Southeastern United States: Paleoindian to World War I (1994), Archaeology of Colonial Pensacola (1999), Presidio Santa Maria de Galve (2003), and Presidios of Spanish West Florida (2022). Bense founded the Anthropology/Archaeology program at UWF in 1980, which now includes an academic Department of Anthropology, the Archaeology Institute, and the Florida Public Archaeology Network. Bense, along with her colleagues and students, has actively conducted research in West Florida for 40 years, much of which has focused on the Spanish Presidio Period (1698-1763) and the four locations of the West Florida presidio. Bense was president of UWF from 2008 to 2016 and is currently researching and writing specific presidio-related topics for professional journals and the general public. References Beck, Robin A., Christopher B. Rodning, and David G. 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