Early History of the Creek Indians and Their Neighbors

Under date of June 15, 1738, the above trader [Andrews] informed William Stephens that the Choctaw and French had fallen out, and this news determined some Chickasaw who had come to Carolina to return.1 (Swanton)

In a letter written at St. Augustine, August 30, 1738, and preserved among the Spanish Archives of the Indies,2 is an interesting relation of the adventures of " the Indian Juan Ignacio de los Reyes, of the Yguaja Nation, one of the villages which compose the town of Pocotalaca, in the neighborhood of this place." This man, under orders from the governor of Florida, Don Manuel de Montiano, visited the English posts on Cumberland Island and in St. Andrews and St. Simons Sounds during the months of July and August, 1738, and brought back valuable information regarding their condition and regarding the English projects with reference to St. Augustine. AN467 (Swanton)

An estimate made in 1739 gives 1,500 warriors for the Creeks,' and one of 1747-48, "not much over 2,500 men."4 Adair says that "this nation is generally computed to consist of about 3,500 men fit to bear arms"; and adds, on the authority of a "gentleman of distinguished character," that they had doubled their numbers "within the space of thirty years past," which would be perhaps from 1720 to 1750 or 1730 to 1760.5 (Swanton)

Chickasaw Population at Various Periods Prior to 1834' 1739. Georgia records, 500 warriors. (Swanton)

Tomochichi died October 5, 1739,2 and the Yamacraw population declined rather than increased. After a time they moved to another situation later known as New Yamacraw,2 but ultimately those that were left probably retired among their kindred in the Creek Nation, and we may conjecture that they united with the Creek band of Yamasee mentioned above. (Swanton)

D. I. Bushnell, Jr., has published parts of a journal kept by a member of General Oglethorpe's expedition to the Creek towns in 1740, in which he gives some account of the people of Coweta.7 (Swanton)

To retrieve the disaster he had suffered, Bienville, in 1740, collected a huge army on the Mississippi with which he hoped to deal his enemy [Chicksaw] a crushing blow, but, being unable adequately to provision such a force, the greater part was soon obliged to disband. A small expedition, under the Canadian Celoron, moved on toward the Chickasaw, who, believing it to be the advance guard of that huge host they had seen assembling against them, entered into a peace agreement, the terms of which on the surface were decidedly favorable to the French. Nevertheless, the Chickasaw recovered their courage as soon as the expedition had dissolved, the treaty became a dead letter, and the Indians were soon raiding French posts and intercepting canoes on the Mississippi as formerly. These wars were not undertaken without great losses on their part. (Swanton)

About 1743 Adair mentions "Coosah" as a dialect spoken in the Catawba nation, but it is not probable that all of the Coosa removed there.7 (Swanton)

...and a map of 1744 shows, at the mouth of Deer River, near Mobile, a settlement of " Yamane," the name evidently intended for this tribe.4 (Swanton)

Under date of July, 1754, the Colonial Records of Georgia speak of the Yamasee as still allied with the Spaniards,5 (Swanton)

Chickasaw Population at Various Periods Prior to 1834' 1699. M. do Montigny, 350 cabins. 1702. Iberville, 2,000 families. 1704. De La Vente, "as numerous as the Choctaw," i. e., 700 to 800 cabins. 1708. South Carolina documents, at least 600 warriors. 1715. South Carolina census, 6 villages, 700 men, 1,900 population. 1722-23. Bienville, 6-7 villages, 800 men. 1739. Georgia records, 500 warriors. 1747. South Carolina public documents, reduced to 200 to 300 warriors. 1750. Adair, barely 450 warriors. 1750. An anonymous French memoir, 560 warriors. 1764. Capt. Thos. Hutehins, 750 warriors. 1764. Col. Bouquet, 750 warriors. 1764. John Stuart, 500 gunmen. 1768. Rev. Elam Potter, estimated at 300 to 400 warriors. 1771. Romans, 250 warriors. 1780. Purcell, 575 warriors, 2,290 population. 1814. Schermerhorn, 1,000 warriors, 35,000 population. 1817. Morse, 3,625 population. 1829. Gen. Peter B. Porter, 3,600. 1833. Report in Schoolcraft, 4,715. Chickasaw Population Subsequent to 1834 1836. United States Indian Office, 5,400. 1838. United States Indian Office, 4,176 (in west). 1839. United States Indian Office, 5,000. 1841. United States Indian Office, 5,000. 1842. United States Indian Office, 5,010. 1843. United States Indian Office, 5,010. 1844. United States Indian Office, 4,130. 1845. United States Indian Office, 4,211. 1847. United States Indian Office (in Schoolcraft), 1,166 families, 4,260. 1847. Another entry in Schoolcraft, 6,500. 1853. United States Indian Office, 4,709. 1855. United States Indian Office, 4,787. 1861. United States Indian Office, 5,000. 1865-1870. United States Indian Office, 4,500. 1871. United States Indian Office, 5,000. 1872-1875. United States Indian Office, 6,000. 1876. United States Indian Office, 5,800. 1877-1878. United States Indian Office, 5,600. 1879. United States Indian Office, 7,000. 1880-1889. United States Indian Office, 6.000. 1890-1891. United States Indian Office, 6,400. ' Authorities: Compte Rendu, Int. Cong. Am., 15th scss., i, p. 35; Iberville in MarRry, Dec., iv, pp. 601-602; S. C Puh. Rec., MS., v, pp. 207-209; Rivers, A Chapter in the Early Hist. of S. Car., p. 94; Oa. Col. Rec., v, p. 191; S. C. Pub. Roc., xxm, p. 75, MS.; Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 353; nutchins in Schoolcraft, Ind. Trities, in, p. 555; Bouquet, ibid., p. 559; Potter in Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., 1st scr., x, p. 121; Am. Hist. Rev., xx, 4, p. 825; Romans, Concise Nat. Hist. of E. and W. Fla., p. 69; Purcell in Mi,.ss. Hist. Soc. Colls., 1st scr., iv, p. 100; Schrrmerhorn in Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., 2d ser., n, p. 16; Morse, Rept. to Sec. of War, p. 364; Porter in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, in, p. 597; Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes (1833); Reports U. S. Indian Office: Ind. Pop. in U . S., U. S. Census of 1910, p. 15; MS., Lib. Cong 148001"—22 29 450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOOY [bull. 73 1892. United States Indian Office, 6,800. 1893-1897. United States Indian Office, 6,000. 1898. United States Indian Office, 8,730. 1899. United States Indian Office, 9,048. 1900. United States Indian Office, 10,500. 1901. United States Indian Office, 6,000 Indians, 3,500 freedmen. 1902. United States Indian Office, 11,500. 1903. United States Indian Office, 4,659 by blood, 198 by intermarriage, 4,211 freedmen. 1904. United States Indian Office, 4,826 by blood, 348 intermarried, 4,471 freedmen. 1905. United States Indian Office, 5,474 by blood, 598 intermarried, 4,695 freedmen. 1906. United States Indian Office, 5,558 by blood, 623 intermarried, 4,730 freedmen. 1907. United States Indian Office, 5,684 by blood, 635 intermarried, 4,670 freedmen. 1908. United States Indian Office, 1,538 full bloods, 4,146 mixed bloods, 635 inter married, 4,670 freedmen. 1909. United States Indian Office, 1,550 full bloods, 4,185 mixed bloods, 647 inter married, 4,673 freedmen. 1910. United States Census, 4,204. 1910-1912. United States Indian Office, 5,688 by blood, 645 intermarried, 4,651 freed men. 1913. United States Indian Office, 5,674 by blood, 645 "by intermarriage, 4,670 freedmen. 1914. United States Indian Office, 10,955 total population. 1915. United States Indian Office, 1,515 full bloods, 966 one-half or more, 3,823 less than half (including 645 by intermarriage), 4,662 freedmen. 1916-1919. United States Indian Office, 5,659 by blood, 645 intermarried, 4,652 freedmen. The only attempt to give the Chickasaw population by towns, so far as I am aware, is contained in an anonymous French memoir of about 1750, ' from which I quote the following: Men. Ayanaqua 40 Falatch6 50 Goulat chitou 60 Acquina 40 Concquafala 50 Outanquatlo 30 Aehouqueouma 30 Coui loussa 60 Tasca oullon 80 Apeonn6 120 560 (Swanton)

The [Coosa] name appears in the enumerations of 1738,° 1750,° and 1760,7 and a part at least in the enumeration of 1761.8 In 1796 John O'Kelly, a half-breed, was trader there, having succeeded his father.5 Hawkins describes the town as follows, as it existed in 1799: "Coo-sau; on the left bank of Coo-sau, between two creeks, Eu-fau-lau and Nau-chee. The town borders on the first, above; and on the other river. The town is on a high and beautiful hill; the land on the river is rich and flat for two hundred yards, then waving and rich, fine for wheat and corn. It is a limestone country, with fine springs, and a very desirable one; there is reed on the branches, and pea-vine in the rich bottoms and hill sides, moss in the river and on the rock beds of the creek. "They get fish plentifully in the spring season, near the mouth-of Eu-fau-lau-hat-che; they are rock, trout, buffalo, red horse and perch. They have fine stocks of horses, hogs and cattle; the town gives name to the river, and is sixty miles above Tus-kee-gee."1 Coosa had evidently fallen off very much from its ancient grandeur and its name does not appear in the census enumeration of 1832. Those who lived there abandoned their town some years after 1799, and settled a few miles higher up on the east side of the river near what is now East Bend.2 It is not now represented by any existing town among the Creeks, but the name is well known and still appears in war titles. From the census list of 1761 one might judge that part of the Coosa had moved down on Tallapoosa River and settled with the Fus-hatchee people, with whom they would have gone to Florida and afterwards, in part at least, to the southern part of the Seminole Nation, Oklahoma.3 The French census of about 1760 associates them rather with the Kan-hatki, but the fate of Kan-hatki and Fushatchee was the same.4 What happened to the greater portion of them will be told presently. Besides Coosa proper we find a town placed on several maps between Tuskegee and Koasati and called "Old Coosa," or "Coussas old village." From the resemblance of the name to that of the Koasati as usually spelled, and the proximity of the 'two places, Gatschet thought it was another term applied to the latter.5 But on the other hand we often find Coosa-old-town and Koasati on the same map, and both are mentioned separately in the enumerations of 1760 and 1761.6 The fact that, according to the same lists, there were Coosa on Tallapoosa River not far away, associated with the Fus-hatchee and Kan-hatki, would strengthen the belief that there were really some Coosa Indians at this place. Even if there were not, the name itself clearly implies that the site had once been occupied by Coosa Indians, and by inference at a time anterior to the settlement of the Coosa already considered. Without traceable connection with any of these bodies is "a Small Settlement of Indians called the Cousah old Fields" encountered in 1778 between the Choctawhatcb.ee and Apalachicola Rivers by a British expedition under David Holmes sent into East Florida from Pensacola.1 Still another branch of this tribe was in all probability the Coosa of South Carolina which has been elsewhere considered.2 By common tradition and the busk expression, "We are Kos-istagi, " still used by them, we know that there are several other towns descended from Coosa, though no longer bearing the name. The most important of these was Otciapofa, commonly called "Hickory Ground," whose people came from Little Tulsa. Little Tulsa was the seat of the famous Alexander McGillivray and was located on the east bank of Coosa River 3 miles above the falls. After his death the inhabitants all moved to the Hickory Ground, Otciapofa, which was on the same side of the river just below the falls.2 The condition of this latter town in 1799 is thus described by Hawkins: "O-che-au-iio-fau; from Oche-ub, a hickory tree, and po-fau, in or among, called by the traders, hickory ground. It is on the left bank of the Coosau, two miles above the fork of the river, and one mile below the falls, on a flat of poor land, just below a small stream; the fields are on the right side of the river, on rich flat land; and this flat extends back for two miles, with oak and hickory, then pine forest; the range out in this forest is fine for cattle; reed is abundant in all the branches. "The falls can be easily passed in canoes, either up or down; the rock is very different from that of Tallapoosa; here it is ragged and very coarse granite; the land bordering on the left side of the falls is broken or waving, gravelly, not rich. At the termination of the falls there is a fine little stream, large enough for a small mill, called, from the clearness of the water, We-hemt-le, good water.* Three and a half miles above the town are ten apple trees, planted by the late General McGillivray; half a mile further up are the remains of Old Tal-e-see,5 formerly the rasidence of Mr. Ixichlan 8 and his son, the general. Here are ten apple trees, planted by the father, and a stone chimney, the remains of a house built by the son, and these are all the improvements left by the father and son. "These people are, some of them, industrious. They have forty gunmen, nearly three hundred cattle, and some horses and hogs; the family of the general belong to this town; he left one son and two daughters; the son is in Scotland, with his grandfather, and the daughters with Sam Macnack [Moniac], a half-breed, their uncle; the property is much of it wasted. The chiefs have requested the agent for Indian affairs to take charge of the property for the son, to prevent its being wasted by the sisters of the general or by their children. "Mrs. Durant, the oldest sister, has eight children. She is industrious, but has no economy or management. In possession of fourteen working negroes, she seldom makes bread enough, and they live poorly. She can spin and weave, and is making some feeble efforts to obtain clothing for her family. The other sister, Sehoi, has about thirty negroes, is extravagant and heedless, neither spins nor weaves, and has no government of her family. She has one son, David Tale [Tate?] who has been educated in Philadelphia and Scotland. He promises to do better."7 The town is given in the lists of 1760 and 1761, by Bartram, by Swan, and in the census of 1832 and, probably in a distorted form, in 1750.2 Big Tulsa, which separated from the town last mentioned, may be identical with that which appears in the De Soto chronicles 1 under the synonymous terms Talisi, Tallise, and Talisse.3 Biedma does not mention it. The other three chroniclers describe it as a large town by a great river, having plenty of corn. Elvas states that "other towns and many fields of maize were on the opposite shore."4 Garcilasso says that this place was "the key of the country," and that it was "palisaded, invested with very good terraces, and almost surrounded by a river." He adds that "it did not heartily acknowledge the cacique [of Coosa], because of a neighboring chief, who endeavored to make the people revolt against him."5 We may gather from this that Tulsa had at that time become such a large and strong town that it no longer leaned on the mother town of Coosa, as would be the case with a new or weak offshoot. There may indeed be some question whether this was the Tulsa of later history, but there does not appear to be a really valid reason to deny this, although the name from which it is thought to have been derived is a very common one. Spanish documents of 1597-98 speak, for instance, of a town called Talaxe (or Talashe) in Guale and a river so called, evidently the Altamaha. Woodward says that "the Tallasses never settled on the Tallapoosa River before 1756; they were moved to that place by James McQueen" from the Talladega country,5 but the name occurs here on the earliest maps available, at a date far back of any period of which Woodward could have had information. Probably his statement applies to an independent body of Tulsa entered in the list dating from 1750,2 as in the Abihka country, and appearing on the Purcell map (pl. 7) as "Tallassehase," Tulsa old town. The history of this settlement is otherwise unknown. In De Soto's time the several towns may not have become separated, but of that we have no knowledge. My opinion is that in either case the town entered by De Soto was farther toward the southwest than the position in which Big Tulsa was later found, somewhere, in fact, between the site of Holiwahali and that of the present St. Clair, in Lowndes County, Alabama. [Note: In plate 2 the positions of Tulsa (1) and Tawuaa (1) should be transposed.] The name of this town occurs frequently in later documents, and it is given in the lists of 1750, 1760, and 1761, by Bartram, Swan, and Hawkins, and in the census of 1832.1 In the great squares of this town and Tukabahchee Tecumseh met the Creeks in council. (Swanton)

An anonymous French writer, of the middle of the eighteenth century or earlier, adds to his enumeration of the Creek villages this statement: "There are besides, ten leagues from this last village [a Sawokli town], two villages of the Iamas6 nation where there may be a hundred men, but this nation is attached to the Spaniards of St. Augustine."6 (Swanton)

In the Spanish census of 1750 it occurs again in the distorted form "Couacale," ' and in the French census of 1760 it is spelled "Chaouakl6" and placed between Kasihta and Coweta.3 Finally, one of my best Indian informants—a man who was born in the country of the Lower Creeks in Alabama—remembered that there were two distinct towns called Sawokli and Tcawokli, both of which he believed to belong to the Hitchiti group. This latter probably gave its name to a branch of Uphapee Creek called Chewockeleehatchee Creek, which in turn furnished the designation for a body of Tulsa who had nothing to do with the Sawokli tribe.3 If we may trust the census of 1832, a village inhabited by Kasihta bore the same name.4 The towns of Okawaigi (or Kawaigi) and Okiti-yagani are said to have branched off from the Sawokli. The former is probably one of the Sawokli towns which appear in the French census. The latter is evidently the ' ' Oeyakbe ' ' of the same list,2 and the ' ' Weupkees ' ' of the census of 1761,5 in which the name has been translated into Muskogee, Oiyakpi, "water (or river) fork." Manuel Garcia, a Spanish officer sent against the adventurer Bowles, mentions it in the grossly distorted form "Hogue 6hotehanne."5 Okawaigi and Okiti-yakani are both in Hitchiti, the first signifying ' ' Place to get water," and the second "Zigzag stream land." They are in the census list of 1832 along with still another Sawokli off branch called Hatchee tcaba [Hatci tcaba] 7 which is to be distinguished carefully from an Upper Creek town of the same name, a branch of Kealedji.8 After accompanying the other Creeks west the Sawokli soon gave up their independent busk ground and united with the Hitchiti. Their descendants are living near Okmulgee, the former capital of the Creek Nation in the west. (Swanton)

...the French census of 1760 shows [Osochi] between the Yuchi and Chiaha, and those of 1738 and 1750 near the Okmulgee. (Swanton)

Bartram does not give the tribe separate mention, perhaps because he reckoned them as part of the Chiaha or Osochi. The French enumeration of 1750 records them as "Oemoulke,"5 the French census of about 1760 as "Omolquet,"6 and the Georgia census of 1761 gives them as one of "the point towns."7 Hawkins omits them from his sketch, but mentions them in his notes taken in 1707, where he says: "Ocmulgee Village, 7 miles [below Hotalgihuyana]. There is a few families, the remains of the Ocmulgee people who formerly resided at the Ocmulgee fields on Ocmulgee River; lands poor, pine barren on both sides; the swamp equally poor and sandy; the growth dwarf scrub brush, evergreens, among which is the Cassine."1 The mouth of Kinchafoonee creek was 8 miles below. Manuel Garcia mentions their chief as one of several Lower Creek chiefs with whom he had a conference in the year 1800. He spells the name "Okomulgue."2 Morse (1822) includes them in a list of towns copied from a manuscript by Capt. Young. They were then located east of Flint River, near the Hotalgihuyana, and numbered 220. 3 They are wanting from the census rolls of 1832, but perhaps formed one of the two Osochi towns mentioned, each of which is given a very large population. On their removal west of the Mississippi they settled in the northeastern corner of the new Creek territory, near the Chiaha. They were among the first to give up their old square ground and to adopt white manners and customs. Probably in consequence of this progress they furnished three chiefs to the Creek Nation—Joe Perryman, Legus Perryman, and Pleasant Porter—and a number of leading men besides. (Swanton)

The enumeration of 1750 places [Tama] between the Hitchiti and the Oconee.4 Hawkins enumerates them as one of those tribes out of which the Seminole Nation had been formed.8 Since all of the others mentioned by him were still represented among the Lower Creeks it is probable that this tribe had emigrated in its entirety. It is wanting in the lists of Bartram and Swan, and from the census of 1832, but appears in that contained in Morse's Report to the Secretary of War (1822), and also in the diary of Manuel Garcia (1800), where it is given as a Lower Creek town. It was then on the Apalachicola River, 7 miles above the Ocheese.7 It so appears on the Melish map of 1818-19, where it is called " Tomathlee-Seminole " (pl. 8). These are the last references to it, and it was probably swallowed up in the Mikasuki band of Seminole. It should be observed that the name of this tribe, or a name very similar, appears twice far to the north in the Cherokee country. One town bearing it was "on Valley River, a few miles above Murphy, about the present Tomatola, in Cherokee County, North Carolina." The other was "on Little Tennessee River, about Tomotley ford, a few miles above Tellico River, in Monroe County, Tennessee." Mooney, from whom these quotations are made, adds that the name does not appear to be Cherokee.8 This fact should be considered in connection with a similar north and south division of the Tuskegee, Koasati, and Yuchi. Gatschet states definitely that one of these Cherokee towns was settled by Creek Tamali Indians,5 but this appears to have been merely a guess on his part. The name Tamali suggests the Hitchiti form of the name of a Creek clan, the Tamalgi, Hitchiti Tamali, and it is possible that there is historical meaning in this resemblance, but there is just enough difference between the pronunciations of the two to render it doubtful. (Swanton)

A little later Adair enumerates the "Ta-me-tah" among those tribes which the Muskogee had induced to incorporate with them.2 They appear among other Lower Creek towns in the enumeration of 1750, placed between the northern Sawokli town and the Kasihta." On one of the D'Anville maps of early date we find "Tamaita" laid down on the west bank of the Coosa not far above its junction with the Tallapoosa. The Koasati town was just below. In the list of Creek towns given in 1761 in connection with the assignment of traderships we find this entry: "27 Coosawtee including Tomhetaws." The hunters of the two numbered 125 and they were located "close to the French barracks" where was the Koasati town from very early times.4 Thus it appears that some at least of the Tamahita had moved over among the Upper Creeks sometime between 1733 and 1761 or perhaps earlier. Bernard Romans, on January 17, 1772, when descending the Tombigbee River, mentions passing the "Tomeehettee bluff, where formerly a tribe of that nation resided,"5 and Hamilton identifies this bluff with Mclntosh's Bluff, a former location of the Tohome tribe.6 It is probable that some Tamahita moved over to this river at the same time as the Koasati and Okchai, a little before Romans's time, and afterwards returned with them to the upper Alabama. Memory of them remained long among the Lower Creeks, since an aged informant of the writer, a Hitchiti Indian, born in the old country, claimed to be descended from them. According to him there was a tradition that the Tamahita burned a little trading post belonging to the English, whereupon the English called upon their Creek allies to punish the aggressors. The Tamahita were much more numerous than their opponents, but were not very warlike, and were driven south to the very point of Florida, where they escaped in boats to some islands. This tradition appears to be the result of an erroneous identification of the Tamahita with the Timucua. There is no evidence that the Creeks had a war with the former people. (Swanton)

The southern Koasati settlement seems to be mentioned first in the enumeration of 1750, where the name is spelled "Couchati," and in the census of 1760 where it appears as "Conchatys."2 It occurs often on maps, however, and in approximately the same place. (Swanton)

The [Tuskegee] town [on the Coosa] appears in the census estimates of 1750.2 In the enumeration of 1761 we find "Tuskegee including Coosaw old Town" with 40 hunters.4 The name does not occur in Bartram's list, but, as I have said elsewhere, it appears to be the town which he calls Alabama.s Hawkins (1799) has the following to say regarding it: "Tus-kee-gee: This little town is in the fork of the two rivers, Coo-sau and Tal-la-poosa, where formerly stood the French fort Toulouse. The town is on a bluff on the Coosau, forty-six feet above low-water mark; the rivers here approach each other within a quarter of a mile, then curve out, making a flat of low land of three thousand acres, which has been rich canebrake; and one-third under cultivation in times past; the center of this flat is rich oak and hickory, margined on both sides with rich cane swamp; the land back of the town, for a mile, is flat, a whitish clay; small pine, oak, and dwarf hickory, then high pine forest. There are thirty buildings in the town, compactly situated, and from the bluff a fine view of the flat lands in the fork, and on the right bank of Coosau, which river is here two hundred yards wide. In the yard of the town house there are five cannon of iron, with the trunions broke off, and on the bluff some brickbats, the only remains of the French establishment here. There is one apple tree claimed by this town now in possession of one of the chiefs of Book-choie-oo-che [Okchaiyutci]. [Note: The Lib. Cong. MS. has " Hook-choie."] "The fields are the left side of Tal-la-poo-sa, and there are some small patches well formed in the fork of the rivers, on the flat rich land below the bluff. The Coosau extending itself a great way into the Cherokee country and mountains, gives scope for a vast accumulation of waters, at times. The Indians remark that once in fifteen or sixteen years, [Note: The Lib. Cong. MS. has "fifteen or twenty years.] they have a flood, which overflows the banks, and spreads itself for five miles or more [Note: The Lib. Cong. MS. has " five or six miles."] in width, in many parts of A-la-ba-ma. The rise is sudden, and so rapid as to drive a current up the Tal-la-poo-sa for eight miles. In January, 1796, [Note: The Lib. Cong. MS. hiis " 1795."] the flood rose forty-seven feet, and spread itself for three miles on the left bank of the A-la-ba-ma. The ordinary width of that river, taken at the first bluff below the fork, is one hundred and fifty yards. The bluff is on the left side, and forty-five feet high. On this bluff are five conic mounds of earth, the largest thirty yards diameter at the base, and seventeen feet high; the others are smaller. It has been for sometime a subject of enquiry, when, and for what purpose, these mounds were raised; here it explains itself as to the purpose; unquestionably they were intended as a place of safety to the people, in the time of these floods; and this is the tradition among the old people. As these Indians came from the other side of the Mississippi, and that river spreads out on that side for a great distance, it is probable, the erection of mounds originated there; or from the custom of the Indians heretofore, of settling on rich flats bordering on the rivers, and subject to be overflowed. The name is E-eun-li-gee [language], mounds of earth, or literally, earth placed. But why erect these mounds in high places, incontestably out of the reach of floods? From a superstitious veneration for ancient customs. "The Alabama overflows its flat swampy margins, annually; and generally, in the month of March, but seldom in the summer season. The people of Tuskogee have some cattle, and a fine stock of hogs, more perhaps than any town of the nation. One man, Sam Macnack [Sam Moniack], a half breed, has a fine stock of cattle. He had, in 1799, one hundred and eighty calves. They have lost their language, and speak Creek, and have adopted the customs and manners of the Creeks. They have thirty-five gun men."5 After their removal west the Tuskegee formed a town in the southeastern part of the nation. Later a portion, consisting largely of those who had negro blood, moved northwest and settled west of Beggs, Okla., close to the Yuchi. (Swanton)

The same pair [of Okfuskee towns] are repeated in the census of 1750.5 The former appears in the list of 17G0 as "Akfeechkoutchis" (i. e., Little Okfuskee); the latter as "Akfaches" (i. e., the Okfuskee proper).8 This last is "the great Okwhuske town" which Adair mentions and locates on the west bank of Tallapoosa River. He calls the Tallapoosa River after it.7 In 1754 the French of Fort Toulouse almost persuaded the Okfuskee Creeks to cut off those English traders who were among them, but they were prevented by the opposition of a young chief.8 In 1760 such a massacre did take place at Okfuskee and its branch town, Sukaispoga, as also at Okchai and Kealedji.* The name of Okfuskee appears in the list of 1761, and in the lists of Bartram, Swan, and Hawkins.10 Bartram mentions an upper and a lower town of the name, perhaps the two distinguished by the French.1 In 1797 the trader was Patrick Donnally.2 In the census rolls of 1832 no such town appears, but by that time the main settlement seems to have adopted the name Tcatoksofka, "deep rock," i. e., one where there was a considerable fall of water, or "rock deep down," and this does occur.3 After the removal to Oklahoma, Tcatoksofka was still the principal town. The old name Okfuskee was revived somewhat later by a chief named Fushatcutci (Little Fus-hatchee) who moved into the western part of the nation with part of the Tcatoksofka people and gave the old name to his new settlement. From this circum stance his people afterwards called him Tal-mutca's mi'ko, "New town chief." Another branch is called Abihkutci [Abi'kutci]. The name signifies "Little Abihka" and it might naturally be supposed that the people so designating themselves belonged to the Abihka Creeks. In fact, the principal Abihka town before the emigration was known as Abihkutci, whereas, after their removal, the diminutive ending was dropped and the name Abihka resumed. Two stories were given me of the way in which this name "Abihkutci" came to be used for an Okfuskee town. According to one, the town was founded by a few Abihka Indians, but it was later filled up with Okfuskee. According to the other, some Abihka joined the Okfuskee before the Civil War and afterwards left them. Then they formed a town apart and said "We will be called Little Abihkas." But since they had at one time lived with the Okfuskee the latter adopted the name Abihkutci for use among themselves. In any case the occurrence does not seem to have preceded the westward emigration of the Creeks, and the town did not have a very long separate existence. At the present day it has no square ground of its own. Another branch was known as Tukabahchee Tallahassee, probably because it occupied a place where the Tukabahchee had formerly lived. It appears in the lists of Swan and Hawkins,4 and the latter states that in 1797 it received the name of Talmutcasi (New Town). We find it under this latter designation in the census list of 1832. 5 It follows from its recent origin that it is distinct from the Talimachusy5 or Tallimuchase7 of De Soto's time, though the names mean the same thing. After removal these people settled in the southwestern part of the nation and appear to have changed from the White to the Red side, being sometimes treated as a branch of Atasi. Their square ground was given up so long ago that very little is remembered regarding it. One of the oldest branches of Okfuskee was Sukaispoga, "place for getting hogs," called by Hawkins " Sooc-he-ah," and known to the traders as "Hog Range." It appears in the censuses of 1760 and 1761, and in the lists of Bartram, Swan, and Hawkins.1 In 1772 it had about 45 gunmen.2 From Hawkins's description, given below, it appears that the town united with Imukfa about 1799, and therefore the name does not appear in the census rolls of 1832. Imukfa was, according to Hawkins, made up of settlers from "Thule-oc-who-cat-lau" and the people of the town just referred to. "Thu-le-oc-who-cat-lau" is evidently the "Chuleocwhooatlee" which he mentions in 1797 in his letter and which was "on the left bank of Tallapoosa, 11 miles below Newyaucau.3 Tohtogagi [To'togagi]is noted by Swan4 and described (see below) by Hawkins. It preserved a separate existence after its removal west of the Mississippi down to the Civil War and was located east of the Canadian. Sometimes it was known as Hitcisihogi, after the name of its ball ground, though in the census of 1832 Hitcisihogi appears as an independent town. Perhaps two originally independent towns were later united. While giving Atcina-ulga as an Okfuskee town, Hawkins says it was settled from Lutcapoga.5 These two statements can not be reconciled, unless we suppose that some Okfuskee Indians were settled at Lutcapoga. Another branch village given by Hawkins is Epesaugee (Ipisagi).8 At a very early day several Okfuskee settlements were made on the upper course of the Chattahoochee. One was called Tukpafka, "punk," a name applied in later times to an entirely distinct town, originating from Wakokai. The name of this particular settlement occurs in Bartram's list and is referred to by Hawkins, as will be seen below.7 In 1777 (see below) they moved over to the Tallapoosa, where their new settlement was called Nuyaka, an attempt at modifying the name of New York City to accord with the requirements of Creek harmonic feeling. According to Swan the name Nuyaka was bestowed by a Colonel Ray, a New York British loyalist,4 while Gatschet says it was so named after the treaty of New York, concluded between the United States Government and the Creek Indians August 7, 1790.8 It appears in the lists of Swan and Hawkins, but not on the census rolls of 1832.9 After the removal this town continued to preserve its identity and in 1912 it was the only Okfuskee division that still maintained a square ground. There were three Okfuskee settlements on the Chattahoochee River which existed for a longer time. These were Tcula'ko-nini (Horse Trail), Holi-taiga (War Ford), and Tca'hki lako (Big Shoal). They appear in the lists of Bartram and Hawkins, and, with the possible exception of the last, in that of Swan.1 The census of 1832 includes a town of the same name as the last, but omits the others. September 27, 1793, they were attacked by Georgians and so severely handled that the inhabitants abandoned them and located on the east side of Tallapoosa River, opposite the mother town, Big Okfuskee!2 "Wichagoes" and "Illahatchee," given in the traders' census of 1761, were probably Okfuskee towns? Kohamutkikatska, "place where blowgun canes are broken off," was a comparatively late branch of Okfuskee. The name, in an excessively corrupted form ("Nohunt, the Gartsnar town"), appears in the census list of 1832.4 Hawkins has the following information regarding Okfuskee and its branches: "Oc-fus-kee; from Oc, in, and fuskee, a point. The name is expressive of the position of the old town, and where the town house now stands on the right bank of Tal-lapoo-sa. The town spreads out on both sides of the river and is about thirty-five miles above Took-au-bat-che. The settlers on the left side of the river are from Chat-to-ho-che. They once formed three well-settled villages on that river—Che-luc-co ne-ne, Ho-ithle-ti-gau, and Chau-ke thluc-co. Oc-fus-kee, with its villages, is the largest town in the nation. They estimate the number of gun men of the old town at one hundred and eighty and two hundred and seventy in the villages or small towns. The land is flat for half a mile on the river, and fit for culture; back of this there are sharp, stoney hills; the growth is pine, and the branches all have reed. They have no fences around the town; they have some cattle, hogs, and horses, and their range is a good one; the shoals in the river afford a great supply of moss, called by the traders salt grass, and the cows which frequent these shoals, are the largest and finest in the nation; they have some peach trees in the town, and the cassine yupon, in clumps. The Indians have lately moved out and settled in villages and the town will soon be an old field; the settling out in villages has been repeatedly pressed by the agent for Indian affairs, and with considerable success; they have seven villages belonging to this town. 1st. New-yau-cau; named after New York. It is on the left bank of Tallapoosa, twenty miles above Oc-fus-kee; 5 these people lived formerly at Tote-pauf-cau, (spunkknot) on Chat-to-ho-che, and moved from thence in 1777.6 They would not take part in the war between the United States and Great Britian and determined to retire from their settlements, which, through the rage of war, might feel the effects of the resentment of the people of the United States when roused by the conduct of the red people, as they were placed between the combatants. The town is on a flat, bordering on the river; the adjoining lands are broken or waving and stony; on the opposite side they are broken, stony; the growth is pine, oak and hickory. The flat strips of land on the river, above and below, are generally narrow; the adjoining land is broken, with oak, hickory, and pine. The branches all have reed; they have a fine ford at the upper end of the town ; the river is one hundred and twenty yards wide. Some of the people have settled out from the town, and they have good land on Im-mook-fau Creek, which joins the right side of the river, two miles below the town. [Note: Near this town is Horse Shoe Bend, the scene of Jackson's decisive victory over the Creeks, March 27, 1814.] 2d. Took-au-bat-che tal-lau-has-see; this village received in part a new name in 1797, Tal-lo-wau moo-chas-see (new town). It is on the right bank of the river, four miles above New-yau-cau ;2 the land around it is broken and stony; off the river the hills are waving; and post oak, hard shelled hickory, pine, and on the ridges, chestnut is the growth. 3d. Im-mook-fau (a gorget made of a conch). This village is four miles west from Tookaubatche [Tal-lauhas-see], on Immookfau Creek, which joins the right side of Tallapoosa, two miles below New-yau-cau. The settlers are from Chu-le-oc-whocat-lau and Sooc-he-ah; they have fine rich flats on the creek, and good range for their cattle; they possess some hogs, cattle, and horses, and begin to be attentive to them. 4th. Tooh-to-cau-gee, from tooh-to, a corn house, and cau-goe, fixed or standing. [Note: Jackson Lewis, one of the writer's informants, says it means "two corneribs," and this has the sanction of Hawkins. It seems to be composed of tohto, corncrib, and kagi. to be or to set up.] The Indians of Oc-fus-kee formerly built a corn house here for the convenience of their hunters and put their corn there for their support during the hunting season. It is on the right bank of Tallapoosa, twenty miles above New-yau-cau [Note: In notes taken in 1797 he says "15 miles."]; the settlements are on the narrow flat margins of the river on both sides. On the left side the mountains terminate here, the uplands are too poor and broken for cultivation; the path from E-tow-wah, in the Cherokee country, over the tops of these mountains, is a pretty good one. It winds down the mountains to this village; the river is here one hundred and twenty yards wide, a beautiful clear stream. On the right side, off from the river flats, the land is waving, with oak, hickory and pine, gravelly, and in some places large sheets of rock which wave as the land. The grit is coarse, but some of it is fit for mill stones; the land is good for corn, the trees are all small, with some chesnut on the ridges; the range is a good one for stock; reed is found on all the branches; on the path to New-yau-cau there is some large rock, the vein lies southwest; they are in two rows parallel with each other and the land good in their neighborhood. 5th. Au-che-nau-ul-gau; from Au-che-nau, cedar, and ul-gau, all; a cedar grove. These settlers are from Loo-chau-po-gau (the resort of terrapin). It is on a creek, near the old town, forty miles above New-yau-cau. This settlement is the farthest north of all the Creeks; the land is very broken in the neighborhood. West of this village, post and black oak, all small; the soil is dark and stiff with coarse gravel and in some places stone; from the color of the earth in places there must be iron ore; the streams from the glades form fine little creeks, branches of the Tallapoosa. The land on their borders is broken, stiff, stony and rich, affording fine mill seats, and on the whole it is a country where the Indians might have desirable settlements; the path from E-tow-woh to Hill-au-bee passes through these glades. 6th. E-pe-sau-gee; this village is on a large creek which gives name to it and enters the Tallapoosa opposite Oc-fus-kee. The creek has its source in the ridge, dividing the waters of this river from Chat-to-ho-che; it is thirty yards wide and has a rocky bottom; they have forty settlers in the village, who have fenced their fields this season for the benefit of their stock, and they have all of them cattle, hogs, and horses. They have some good land on the creek, but generally it is broken, the strips of fiat land are narrow; the broken is gravelly, with oak, hickory and pine, not very inviting. Four of these villages have valuable stocks of cattle. McCartney has one hundred; E-eun-cha-te E-maut-lau, one hundred; Tote-cuh Haujo, one hundred, and Took[aubatche] Micro, two hundred. 7th. Sooc-he-ah; from Sooc-cau, a hog, and he-ah, here, [Note: Hawkins seems to have gotten hold of a mongrel expression, half Creek, half English. The proper Creek designation was Suka-ispoga.] called by the traders, hog range. It is situated on the right bank of Tallapoosa, twelve miles above Oc-fus-kee. It is a small settlement, the land is very broken, the flats on the river are narrow, the river broad and shoally. These settlers have moved, and joined Im-mook-fau, with a few exceptions.3 To these must be added : Oc-fus-coo-cho (little Oc-fus-kee) is a part of the small village, four miles above Newyau-cau. Some of these people lived at Oc-fus-kee nene, on the Chat-to-ho-che, from whence they were driven by an enterprising volunteer party from Georgia, the 27th September, 1793.2 During the Green Peach war many Okfuskee settled in the edge of the Cherokee Nation, near Braggs, Oklahoma, and afterwards some of them remained there along with a number of the Okchai Indians. (Swanton)

[Holiwahali] appears in the census list of 1738 as "Yuguale,"3 in that of 1750 as "Ycouale,"3 in that of 1760 under the name "Telouales,"1 and in that of 1761 as "Chewallee," where it is credited with 35 hunters, and is assigned to the trader James Germany along with Fus-hatchee and Kolomi.5 In 1797 the traders were James Russel and Abraham M. Mordecai, the latter a Jew.1 Bartram calls it "Cluale," Swan "Clewauleys,"2 while in the census enumeration of 1832 it appears as "Clewalla."3 Hawkins describes it as follows: "Ho-ith-le-wau-le, from Ho-ith-le, war, and wau-le, to share out or divide. This town had, formerly, the right to declare war [Note: This fact is still remembered by some of the older Creek Indians.]; the declaration was sent first to Tookau-bat-che, and thence throughout the nation, and they appointed the rendezvous of the warriors. It is on the right bank of the Tallapoosa, five miles below Aut-tos-see. "In descending the river on the left side from Aut-tos-see, is two miles across Ke-bihat-che; thence one mile and a half O-fuck-she, and enter the fields of the town; the fields extend down the river for one and one-half miles; the town is on the right bank, on a narrow strip of good land; and back of it, under high red cliffs, are cypress ponds. It borders west on Autoshatche twenty-five feet wide. These people have some cattle, and a few hogs and horses; they have some settlements up O-fuck-she; the increase of property among them, and the inconvenience attendant on their situation, their settlement being on the right side of the river, and their fields and stock on the left, brought the well-disposed to listen with attention to the plan of civilization, and to comment freely on their bad management. "The town divided against itself; the idlers and the ill-disposed remained in the town, and the others moved over the river and fenced their fields. On this side the land is good and level, and the range out from the river good to the sources of O-fuc-she. On the other side, the high broken land comes close to the river. It is broken pine barren, back of that. The situation of the town is low and unhealthy; and this remark applies to all the towns on Tallapoosa, below the falls. "O-fuc-she has its source near Ko-e-ne-cuh, thirty miles from the river, and runs north. It has eight or nine forks, and the land is good on all of them. The growth is oak, hickory, poplar, cherry, persimmon, with cane brakes on the flats and hills. It is a delightful range for stock, and was preserved by the Indians for bears and called the beloved bear-ground. Every town had a reserve of this sort exclusively; but as the cattle increase and the bears decrease, they are hunted in common. This creek is sixty [Note: The Lib. Cong. MS. has "20."] feet wide, has steep banks, and is difficult to cross, when the waters are high. Kebihatche has its source to the east, and is parallel with Ca-le-be-hat-che; the margins of the creek have rich flats bordering pine forest or post oak hills."8 The fission in the town described by Hawkins was evidently that which resulted in the formation of Laplako, since it is only after this time—namely, in the census list of 1832 7—that we find Laplako mentioned. According to the story now related a quarrel broke out among the Holiwahali while they were drinking, and afterwards part of them moved away to a creek where a kind of cane grew called lawa. From this they received their present name, a contraction of lawa lako, big lawa. Laplako comprised the more thrifty and energetic part of the population, and they have maintained a dance ground down to the present time, although not a regular square. The Holiwahali proper have maintained neither dance ground nor square. (Swanton)

The Tukabahchee appear among the Upper Creeks, but at an indeterminate place, on the De Crenay map of 1733.8 Here the word is spelled "Totipaches," in the list of 1738 "Tiquipaxche," in that of 1750 "Totipache," and on the census list of 1760 "Totepaches."7 (Swanton)

Brinton says that the first group of Seminole came into Florida in 1750, under a chief named Secoffee.5 He was probably the one known to the English as "the Cowkeeper," mentioned in the quotation above from Bartram. He appears in the Georgia Colonial Documents as living well toward the south and spending most of his time in warring with the Spaniards.1 The Oconee chief who participated in Oglethorpe's first general Indian council was "Oueekachumpa," called by the English Long King." 2 It does not appear whether Secoffee was his successor or merely the leader of those Oconee who went into Florida. I do not know on what authority Brinton places the invasion of Florida by Secoffee in 1750, but the date appears to be at least approximately correct, and is important as establishing the beginnings of the Seminole as a distinct people. Fairbanks incorrectly states—that is, if Secoffee is really the Cowkeeper of the English—that he "left two sons, head chiefs, Payne and Bowlegs." 3 This is, of course, an assumption natural to a white man, but descent was in the female line among both Creeks and Seminole, and Cohen, who knew Indian customs much better than Fairbanks, is undoubtedly correct when he says that Cowkeeper was "uncle of old Payne." 4 He adds that the former had been given a silver crown by the British Government for services during the American Revolution, from which we know that he lived at least almost to the end of that struggle. Cohen apparently contradicts himself in referring to these chiefs, but his later statement appears to be correct, and from this it seems that the Cowkeeper was succeeded by a chief known as "King Payne." Cohen says that he married a Yamasee woman.5 The grant of land to Forbes & Co. made in 1811 in payment for debts contracted by the Indians was signed among others by Payne for all of the Alachua settlements and by Capitchy Micco [Kapitsa miko] for the Mikasuki. In 1812., in revenge for depredations committed on the Georgia settlements by these Indians, Colonel Newman, Inspector General of Florida, offered to lead a party against Payne's town, which was still in Alachua, and probably just where Bartram found it. In the fight which ensued near that place King Payne was mortally wounded, and many other Indians killed or wounded, but the invaders were forced to retreat under cover of night. King Payne was succeeded by his brother, Bowlegs, whose Indian name is given by Cohen as Islapaopaya [opaya meaning "far away"].8 Cohen says that the Alachua settlements were broken up in 1814 by the Tennesseeans and Bowlegs was killed.7 At any rate about this time the Alachuas, or part of them, moved farther south, and we presently find their head chief, Mikonopi ("Top Chief"), the nephew of King Payne and Bowlegs, living at Okihamki, just west of Lake Harris or Astatula [Note: His residence is often given as Pitaklakaha , which appears to have been a Negro town near Okihamki.]. Mikonopi came as near being "head chief of the Seminoles" as any at the outbreak of the great Seminole war. We may therefore say that the nucleus of the Seminole Nation was not merely a body of "outcasts" as has been so often represented, but a distinct tribe, the Oconee, affiliated, It is true, with the Creeks, but always on the outer margin of the confederacy and to a considerable extent an independent body, representing not the Muskogee but the Hitchiti speaking peoples of southern Georgia—those who called themselves Atcik-hata.2 The Hitchiti character of this Seminole nucleus comes out still stronger when we turn to examine those towns established in the wake of the Oconee invasion. The only early lists available are those given by Bartram and Hawkins, which are as follows: SEMiNOlE TOWNS ACCORDING TO BaRTRAM (1778) 3 Suola-nocha. Cuscowilla or Alachua. Tal&hasochte. Caloosahatche. Great island. Great hammock. I Capon. [.Traders' names. St. Mark's. Forks. SEMINOlE TOWNS aCCORDING TO HAWkiNS (1799)4 Sim-e-no-le-tal-lau-has-see. Mic-c-sooc-e. We-cho-took-me. Au-lot-che-wau. Oc-le-wau thluc-co. Tal-lau-gue chapco pop-cau. Cull-oo-sau hat-che. [Note: A more nearly phonetic way of rendering the fifth would be Aklawaha tako, and the sixth Talaa'lgi tcapko popka ("a place to eat cow or stock peas").] Hawkins says of the Seminole settlements enumerated by him: These towns are made from the towns O-co-nee, Sau-woog-c-lo, Eu-fau-lau, Tummault-lau, Pa-Ia-chooc-le and Hitch-e-tee.5 Of these six towns only Eu-fau-lau is certainly known to have belonged to the Muskogee proper, and one early writer represents this as made up of outcasts from all quarters. We do not know the status of Tum-mault-lau with certainty, but the form of the name itself, the position which it occupied in very early times, and certain other considerations, all point to a connection with the Hitchiti-speaking peoples.1 The language of the Mikasuki in Oklahoma is so close to that of the Hitchiti that they are commonly considered to be parts of one people; and the following story regarding them was told to me by Jackson Lewis, an old Hitchiti Indian, for whose opinions I have the greatest respect. He said that the name was properly Nikasuki. "The Nikasukis are precisely the same as the Hitchiti. In early days some Hitchiti went hunting to a point where two rivers met. They found alligators there which they ate, and when they came back they reported that they were good food. They went many times, and finally they came to like this point of land so well that a number of them settled there permanently. They had reported that alligators were as numerous and as easy to obtain as hogs (suki in Hitchiti), so that the parent tribe called their settlement Hog-eaters, which is what Nikasuki means." We can not, however, concede the likelihood that n could so easily have been corrupted into m, since the latter appears in the early documents as far back as we can go. I have elsewhere quoted the opinion of the old Mikasuki chief relative to the distinction between his people and the Hitchiti, and their supposed relationship to the Chiaha. It must be remembered that the Chiaha anciently came away from the Yamasee, at a point not far from the earlier home of the Oconee, and it is quite possible that they recognized a closer connection with the Oconee Indians than with the Hitchiti proper. True, Mr. Penieres, subagent for Indian affairs in Florida, reported in 1821 that only a few straggling families of Chiaha were to be found in the peninsula; 2 but it is quite possible that these represented a much later immigration, the earlier colonists having already (by 1778) adopted the name Mikasuki. The first settlement of these "true Mikasuki," as I venture to call them, was, so far as we know, at Old Mikasuki, near the lake which bears their name, in Jefferson County, Florida. Later they, or part of them, moved to New Mikasuki, somewhere near Greenville, in Madison County. In 1823 the chief of this town was Tuskameha (Taski heniha).8 It appears from Cohen, however, that at a somewhat earlier date the chief of the Mikasuki was named Tokos imala, called by the whites John Hicks, or Hext.4 Tokos imala appears in a list of towns dated 1821 as chief of the town in the Alachua plains,5 and he did not die until 1835; therefore when no town is enumerated in the Alachua plains in 1823 and no chief bearing the name," we are left to guess whether the town has been omitted or whether someone else appears in his place. It is probable that the Mikasuki were scattered among several towns, but as these, with but few exceptions, received new names from each new location, it is practically impossible to trace them. From notes gathered by myself and the statements of early writers it is evident that this Mikasuki element was one of the most important, if not the most important, among the Seminole. It is also evident that there was before the outbreak of the final Seminole war a certain amount of friction and mutual jealousy between them and the Muskogee Seminole, founded partly, no doubt, on differences in speech and customs. Thus, in a letter written by William P. Duval to Col. Thomas L. McKenney, general superintendent of Indian affairs, and dated Tallahassee, April 5, 1826, we find the following disparaging notice: "The Mickasuky tribe I must except from this general [commendatory] remark. They are, and ever have been, the most violent and lawless Indians in all the South. They have set their own chiefs at defiance, killing their hogs and cattle, and pillaging their plantations. There are about two hundred of these Indians that never can be managed but by force. Three times have they attempted to put to death their head chief, because he has endeavored to restrain their excesses. All the chiefs, in open council, have denounced them; and have assured me that, if the Government will afford them assistance, they will punish these outlaws of their nation and bring them into their boundary. I have seen many of them on the Suwanee and Ocilla Rivers; they are actually raising crops in the neighborhood of the whites, although I furnished them with provisions two months since, when they all promised immediately to go into the boundary. Not one has gone, nor will they move unless compelled. I have been upwards of two months in the woods, regulating and bringing the Indians to order; and have completely succeeded, except with the Mickasuky tribe. The inhabitants are greatly exasperated at the injuries they have sustained from this tribe, and the worst consequences may be expected. I acknowledge I can do nothing more without force. No confidence can be placed in this tribe, and the orderly Indians complain as much of them as the whites. They have most wantonly killed up the cattle and hogs of the nation, and will continue to do so. In fact, their own people have suffered as much from their depredations as our citizens."1 On the other hand, John Hicks, chief of at least a part of the Mikasuki, is represented by Cohen as the most influential and farsighted man among the Seminole and a supporter of the emigration idea.3 His death was followed almost immediately by the ascendency of the party opposed to emigration and the outbreak of the Seminole war. Cohen is also authority for the statement that the Ocklawaha tribe or band represented the last element of Yamasee Indians, and he is probably correct, since the Yamasee are placed near Ocklawaha River on several maps of a slightly earlier period. He adds that they were noticeably darker than the other Seminole.3 On the list of towns given in 1823 appears one called "Yumersee," located "at the head of Sumulga Hatchee River, 20 miles north of St. Marks." The chief at that time was "Alac Hajo" (Ahalak hadjo, "potato hadjo").1 I have given their history elsewhere.1 According to an aged Oklahoma Seminole who was born in Florida, the people of Tallahassee, where the State capital now stands, were Sawokli. It appears from the early records that this was an old Florida settlement, but I have no other evidence regarding its origin. The Cull-oo-sau hat-che (Kalusa hatchi) town of Hawkins I believe to have been occupied by some of the earlier natives of Florida, which, as has been seen, had remained down into American times.3 The history of the earliest Muskogee element in Florida is rescued for us in part by Romans, who says: "About the middle of the land, nearly in latitude 28, is a village called New Eufala, being a colony from Yufala, in the Upper Creek Nation, planted in 1767, in a beautiful and fertile plain."4 Although a little too far south, as given by him, there is reason to believe that this is the town later known as Tco'ko tca'ti, or "Red House," and sometimes as "Red Town," between the Big hammock and the hammock called from the name of this town " Chucoochartie hammock." There is no way of determining whence the populations of " We-chotook-me" and "Tallau-gue chapco pop-cau," the two remaining towns in Hawkins's list, were drawn, nor those of most of the towns men tioned by Bartram. We-cho-took-me was remembered by Jackson Lewis, the informant to whom I have so often referred. He pronounced the name Oetcotukni and interpreted it to mean "where there is a pond of water." A few years after the date set by Romans, namely in 1778, a new Muskogee element appears in this region contributed by the towns of Kolomi, Fus-hatchee and Okchai, besides an Alabama contingent from Tawasa and Kan-tcati.5 After the conclusion of the Creek war of 1813-14 great numbers of Creeks, especially from the Upper Creek country, in a few cases entire towns, descended into Florida, increasing the original population by about two-thirds. And, whereas we have seen that up to this time the Hitchiti element was predominant, it now begins to be swallowed up or overshadowed by that of the true Creeks or Muskogee. The distinction between the older or true Seminole and the later comers was maintained for a time, as appears in the reports and documents of the early years of the 19th century relating to Indian affairs in Florida. One of the most important statements in this connection is by Mr. Penieres in a letter to General Jackson, dated July, 1821, though the estimates of population given by him are probably too high. This has been printed several times, but I here take it from Jedidiah Morse's Report on the Indian Tribes, where it seems to appear with the smallest number of typographical blemishes: "The Indian tribes known under the denomination of the Creeks, are divided into bands, designated to me as follows: The Mekasousky, Souhane, Moskoky, Santa-Fe, Red-stick and Echitos. I have been assured that those bands had raised, during the late war, more than twelve hundred warriors, which may lead to suppose a population of more than three thousand individuals. The nation known under the denomination of Seminoles, is composed of seven bands—viz, the Larchivue, OkleVuaha, Chockechiatte, Pyakle-kaha, Tal^houyana and Topkelake. Besides these are some remnants of ancient tribes, as the Houtchis, Chaas, Cana-acke, etc ; but of these there are only a few straggling families. On the borders of Georgia is another tribe, called Cahouita. This tribe, under the orders of Mc'Intosh, raised from one hundred to one hundred and fifty warriors; who under this chief, about seven years ago, waged a civil war on the whites and Seminoles who hold them in the utmost detestation. To this census, which would carry the Indian population to more than five thousand individuals, of both sexes, must be added five or six hundred maroon negroes, or mulattos, who live wild in the woods, or in a state of half slavery among the Indians.1 Mr. Penieres evidently distinguishes as "Creeks" the later comers into Florida, and as "Seminoles" the earlier occupants of the peninsula. Under the first heading he is not describing the Creek Nation in general, but only those who had settled in Florida within the seven years preceding the date of his letter. Although there at first appears to be great lack of system in this enumeration, a careful examination shows that it has a real significance and helps us to understand the Indian population of Florida, the elements which entered into it, and to some extent the distribution of those elements. Let us take the Seminole proper first. The name first given, "Latchivue," is without doubt meant for Alachua, but it is not intended to designate the Oconee who lived on the Alachua plains in Bartram's time, but evidently that portion of the Mikasuki under John Hicks or Takosimala known on independent evidence to have been there in 1821. "Oklevuaha" is, of course, Ocklawaha, and represents probably, as I have said above, the old Yamasee element. "Chockechiatte" is Tcoko tcati, the Eufaula colony.2 Pyakl6-kaha is evidently identical with Pelaclekaha, which is given by some authorities as the residence of Mikonopi and by others as a Negro town near Okihamgi, his actual residence. At any rate it clearly refers to the Oconee colony in Florida, the pioneer town and the one visited by Bartram when situated on the Alachua plains. The town next mentioned, Talehouyana, is misprinted in most of the other places where this letter has been copied. While its identity is not entirely assured there is good reason to believe that it is none other than the town of Hotalgihuyana, settled by Chiaha and Osochi Indians. The place last mentioned is "TopkelakeY' which means "fort place," "place where there is a fort." There were several localities known by the name. One appears in 1821 near the present city of Tallahassee, and there was probably another near Tohopekaliga Lake in central Florida, but I am inclined to identify this settlement with a town which occurs in the enumeration made in 1823 and which is placed 30 miles "east," by which I suppose we are to understand north, of Cape Florida.1 It would thus seem to have been in the neighborhood of Hillsboro Inlet. The settlers were probably from the Upper Creeks.3 While it is said that the Seminole were composed of seven bands, only six are enumerated. Perhaps Mr. Penieres classed as a seventh the "remnants of ancient tribes" to which he refers immediately afterwards. Of these the "Houtchis" are of course the Yuchi, and we know from several sources that their settlement was one called "Tallahassee or Spring Garden," in the enumeration of 1823, near a place in Volusia County called Spring Garden to-day.1 The "Chaas" were probably the Chiaha, a settlement of whom, according to Bell, was at a place called Beech-Creek, the exact location of which I have been unable to determine.8 According to my Seminole informants there was a great fighter in Florida named Kana'ki, and they thought the name "Cana-acke" might have been derived from him, but I believe it is intended for the Kan-hatki.4 Turning to those bands set down as belonging to the Creeks we find some that are undoubtedly Muskogee and some of different lineage. The Mikasuki are also referred to under this head, and the name was probably used for those at New Mikasuki, who may have come from the Lower Creek towns much later than the ones already considered. The "Echitos" are, of course, Hitchiti, in this case people from the true Hitchiti town. The rest appear to have been mainly Muskogee, although there were some Alabama and Koasati among them. The "Souhane" were those Indians settled on Suwanee River, who, according to a letter written by Gen. Jackson in 1821, were from the Upper Creeks.5 The Santa Fe band must have been the Indians on Santa Fe River. Jackson gives a Santa Fe talofa "at the east fork of the Suwanee," but does not state whether its people came from the Upper Creeks or were old inhabitants of Florida.8 The "Red-Stick" band may have been so named merely because they belonged to the element among the Creeks recently at war with the whites, or they may have been that portion from the Red towns. In any case we can not separate them from the band set down as "Moskoky' —the Muskogee. In Jackson's letter 11 towns beside two on the Suwanee are definitely identified as having come from the Creeks, and nearly all of these were from the Upper Creeks.1 The remaining seven are either given as containing strictly Florida people or else are passed over without comment, and among them are one or two which there is reason to believe belong among the later comers. The relation of two to one, which I have already mentioned as representing probably the proportion of refugee Creeks to old Seminole, is therefore maintained roughly, even in the number of their towns. The "Spanish Indians," consisting of remnants of the ancient Florida peoples, are not included in this enumeration. The Seminole towns moved about so frequently and their names were altered so often that it is impossible to give a complete history of the people by towns, or to identify in every case the tribes which occupied them. Two or three town lists have been preserved from the period just before the outbreak of the Seminole war and it may be of some interest to insert these. They vividly illustrate the truth of the statement I have just made. The first is contained in a letter of Capt. John H. Bell, agent for the Indians in Florida, addressed to a committee of Congress, in February, 1821, and reproduced by Jedidiah Morse in his Report on Indian Affairs.3 It is as follows: 1. Red-town, at Tampa Bay. Number of souls unknown. 2. Oc-lack-o-na-yahe, above Tampa Bay. A number of souls. 3. O-po-nays Town, back of Tampa Bay. 4. Tots-ta-la-hoeets-ka, or Watermelon Town, on the seaboard, west side Tampa Bay; the greater part of all these fled from the Upper Creeks when peace was given to that nation. 5. A-ha-pop-ka, situated back of the Musquitoe. 6. Low-walta Village, composed of those who fled from Coosa, and followed McQueen and Francis, their prophets. 7. McQueen's Village, east side Tampa Bay. 8. A-lack-a-way-talofa, in the Alachua Plains. A great number of souls. Took-osa-moth-lay, the chief. 9. Santa-fee-talofa, at the east fork of Suwany. Lock-taw-me-coocky, the chief. 10. Waw-ka-eau-su, on the east side of the mouth of the Suwany, on the seaboard; these are from the Coosa River, followers of McQueen and Francis. 11. Old Suwany Town, burnt in 1818, on the Suwany River. These are from the Tallapoosa towns, and they are from the Upper Creeks. 12. A-la-pa-ha-talofa, west of Suwany and east of the Miccasuky. The chief Ockmulgee is lately dead. 13. Wa-cissa-talofa, at the head of St. Mark's River. These are from the Chattahouchy, Upper Creeks. 14. Willa-noucha-talofa, near the head of St. Mark's River, west of Wa-cissa-talofa. Natives of Florida. 15. Talla-hasse, on the waters of the Miccasuky pond. These have lived there a long time, have about 100 warriors, and suppose 10 souls to a warrior; say 1,000 souls. 16. Top-ke-gal-ga, on the east side on the O-clock-ney, near Talla-hasse. 17. We-thoe-cuchy-talofa [Withla-cooche talofa], between the St. Mark's and O-clock-ney Rivers, in the fork of the latter; very few of them are natives of the land. 18. O-chuce-ulga, east of the Apalachicola, where Hambly and Blunt [Blount] live; about 250 souls. Coth-rin, the chief. 19. Cho-co-nickla Village, the chief is Nea-thoe-o-mot-la, the second chief, Mulatto-King; were raised here; have about sixty warriors on the west side of the Apalachicola. 20. Top-hulga [Note: Also called Attapulgas; the Creek is Atap'halgi from the atap'ha, dogwood.]. This village and Cho-co-nick-la join each other. Raised in East Florida, and removed there. 21. Tock-to-eth-la, west of Fort Scott and Chatta-houchy, ten miles above the forks; forty or fifty warriors were raised at the O-cun-cha-ta, or Red Ground, and moved down. 22. Another town in East Florida Point, called O-chu-po-cras-sa. These moved down from the Upper Creeks. About thirty warriors, and a great many women and children settled there. The foregoing list is extracted from a talk held by General Jackson with three Chiefs of the Florida Indians, viz, Blount, Nea-moth-la, and Mulatto King, at Pensacola, 19th September, 1821. To which may be added the following settlements in East Florida: 23. Pe-lac-le-ke-ha, the residence of Miccanopa, chief of the Seminole nations, situated about one hundred and twenty miles south of Alachua. 24. Chu-ku-chatta, about twenty miles south of Pilaclekaha. 25. Hich-a-pue-susse, about twenty miles southeast of Chukuchatta, at the same distance from the head of Tampa. 26. Big Hammock settlement, the most numerous, north of Tampa Bay and west of Hechapususse. 27. Oc-la-wa-haw, on the river of that name, west of St. John's River. 28. Mulatto Girl's Town, south of Caskawilla Lake. 29. Bucker Woman's Town, near Long Swamp, east of Big Hammock. 30. King Heijah's, south, and Payne's negro settlements in Alachua; these are slaves belonging to the Seminoles, in all about three hundred. 31. John Hicks' Town, west of Payne's Savannah, Miccasukys. 32. Oke-a-fenoke swamp, south side, a number of Cowetas. 33. Beech ("reek, settlement of Cheehaws. [Note: Possibly this is identical with Fulemmy's Town or Pinder Town, which is placed on Suwanee River in 1817 and was inhabited by Chiaha Indians. "Pinder" is dialectic for peanut.] 34. Spring Garden, above Lake George, Uchees. Billy is their chief. 35. South of Tampa, near Charlotte's Bay, Choctaws. It is probable that the supplementary list repeats under a different name some of those in the list quoted from Jackson. Thus Bell's "John Hicks' Town, " No. 31, is evidently identical with Jackson's "A-lack-a-way-talofa, " No. 8, John Hicks's Indian name having been Takosimala. Jackson's "Red Town," No. 1, may also be the same as Bell's "Chu-ku-chatta, " No. 24, the latter meaning "red house;" but in that case we must suppose that Jackson has erred in classing the town with those "the greater part" of which fled from the Upper Creeks. Analyzing the composition of these towns as far as the information at hand will allow we find the following condition: Nos. 8 and 31, as just noted, represent one town, occupied by the Mikasuki, but probably by only a part of them; No. 23 represents the old Oconee; No. 24, the Eufaula Indians; No. 27, the Yamasee; No. 32, Coweta Indians; No. 33, Chiaha; No. 34, Yuchi; and Nos. 28 to 30 were probably settled almost entirely by negroes. I have already given my reasons for thinking that the "Choctaws" settled according to Bell in No. 35 were really Calusa Indians.1 No. 21 is said to have been drawn from the Red Ground among the Upper Creeks. There were two towns of this name—one an Abihka, the other an Alabama town. I believe that the one here referred to was the Alabama town because the Abihka were little involved in the war, and it appears, moreover, that comparatively few of the Indians engaged in the fight at Horseshoe Bend emigrated to Florida. On the other hand, the Alabama were active hostiles, and Paddy Walsh, one of the ablest Creek leaders, was an Alabama of Tawasa town. The Indians of town No. 7 were probably Tulsa, because Peter McQueen, their leader, was a Tulsa Indian. The name of No. 6 is probably an attempt at Liwahali. There is to-day in the Seminole Nation a town of this name. It is said to have consisted partly of Holiwahali Indians, as the name implies, but also of people from Kan-hatki and Pus-hatchee.2 Probably No. 6 is this compound town or the nucleus out of which it developed. Nos. 1 to 4 are said by Jackson to have come for the most part from the Upper Creeks; and No. 22, apparently the settlement at Cape Florida, is assigned a similar origin. No. 13 is said to have come from the Chattahoochee and at the same time from the Upper Creek settlements. Perhaps the inhabitants were from those settlements above the falls of the Chattahoochee which were established in early times by the Okfuskee. No. 10 is given as from the Coosa, and No. 11 from the Tallapoosa, while No. 17 is merely said to have consisted of immigrants. Nos. 25 and 26 were probably from the Upper Creeks. Nos. 14, 19, and 20 are said to have been occupied by old Florida Indians, while Nos. 4, 9, 12, 16, and 18 were also probably populated from the older occupants of the peninsula. Tallahassee, No. 15, is said by some living informants to have been a Sawokli settlement. To summarize, 16 towns appear to have belonged to the old Seminoles, 15 to the immigrants from the Upper Creeks, and 3 to the Negroes settled among them. The towns of the newcomers were apparently more populous, since they seem to have outnumbered the earlier occupants. In his estimates of population Morse gives a somewhat different list furnished by a Capt. Young, and dating from a slightly earlier period:1 Tribe. Population. Location. 1. Micasukeys [Mikasuki] 1,400 30 m. NNE. from Fort St. Mark, on a pond 14 miles long, 2 or 3 wide; land fertile, and of a beautiful aspect. 2. Fowl Towns [or Totalositalofa]!4 300 12 miles E. Fort Scott; land tolerable. 3. Oka-tiokinans [Okiti- 580 Near Fort Gaines. '1. yakanil. lichees [ Yuchi] 130 Near the Mikasukey. 0. Ehawho-ka-les [Sawokli]. 150 On Apalachicola, 12 miles below Ocheese bluff. ti. Ocheeses 220 220 At the bluff of their name. 7. Tamatles [Tamali] 7 miles above the Ocheeses. 8. Attapuleas [or Atap'- hulga].3 220 On Little River, a branch of Okalokina, 15 miles above the Mikasukey path, from Fort Gadsden; fine body of lands. !». Telmocresses [Tal 100 W. side of Chattahoochee, 15 miles above the mutcasi].4 fork; good land. 10. Cheskitalowas [Chis- 580 On the W. side of Chattahoochee, 2 miles katalofa].5 above the line. 11. Wekivas 250 20 4 miles above the Cheskitalowas. 12. Emusas [Yamasee] • . Ufallahs[Eufaula].... 2 miles above the Wekivafl. 13. C70 12 miles above Fort Gaines. 11. Red grounds [Ala bama Indians'?]. 100 2 miles above the line. IS. Eto-husse-w a k k e s [Itahasiwaki]. 100 3 miles above Fort Gaines. 10. T a t 1 o-whe-h a 1 1 v s 130 Scattered among other towns; dishonest. [Chatukchufaula?].7 17. Tallehassas » [Talla 15 On the road from Okalokina to Micasukey. hassee J. 18. Owassissas 9 100 670 On the eastern waters of St. Mark's River. In. Chehaws [Chiaha] On the Flint River, in the fork of Makulley 20. Talle-whe-anas [Ho- 210 Creek. E. side of Flint River, not far from Chehaws. talgihuyana]. 21. Oakmulges [Okmul gee]. 220 E. of Flint River, near the Tallewheanas. Total 6,385 This appears to include merely the uppermost Seminole towns along with some which properly belong to the Lower Creeks. Most of them are easily identified, as has been indicated in the brackets. [Note: A writer quoted by Gatschet gives these as Cahalli hatchi, old Tallahassi, Ataplialgi, Allik hadshi, Etatuiga, Mikasuki, (Misc. Colls. Ala. Hist. Soc.,i, p. 413). The second, third, and last of these occur independently in the above list. Also see p. 177.] » See No. 20 in Bell's list. ' A Tal mutcasi in this neighborhood is recorded by no one else unlessit isintended by the "Sumachaches" of Manuel Garcia's diary, dated 1800 ( Edward E. Ayer Coll. in Newberry Library, Chicago). The same officer mentions Tallahasscy and Bruacissey (Owassissas), besides several towns properly belonging to the Lower Creeks. This group of quasi-Seminole towns, along with the Lower Creeks, ceded a tract of land to Panton, Leslie & Co. in 1785 in order to extinguish debts contracted with that trading house, and confirmed it in 1806. The following chiefs affixed their signatures to the confirmation of this treaty. I have preserved the manuscript orthography. Hopay Hacho Totolozu Talofa [Totalosi Talofa], great orator of the Seminole. Hothepocio Justannagee of Totolose Talofa [Totalosi Talofa] Hopay micco of Ocknuilgeeche [Okmulgee or Okmulgutci]. Tustannagee micco of the same town. Kuneeka Thlucco of Cheeyaha [Chiaha]. Emathlee Thlucio of the same. Mico Napamico of Cuasita [Kasihta]. Yahullo Emathla of Chiska Talofa. Tasikaya mico of Osootchie [Osotci]. Uchee Tustannagee of Uchee [Yuchi]. Yahulla micco of Ufalles [Eufaula]. Albania Justannagee of Ufallee [Eufaula]. Tasikaya Hadjo of Ocheesces [Ochisi]. Nika mico of Achinalga [Achinaalga]. Tustannage Hadjo of Tochtouheithles.1 Ninnyyuageichy of Tochtouheithles.1 Tustannage of Palachucklie [Apalachicola]. Yahulla Ennakla or John Meally of Ocheesa [Otcisi]. Hopay Hadjo, for Oopixtsy mico, of Mickacuky [MikasuM]. Justannagee Hopay or Little Prince of Cowetas [Coweta]. Ocheesce mico of Yauollee [Iolee].a Hopayok Hadjo of Yanollee [Iolee]. Mico Tecocksy or Hatas mico. Hopayoo mico of Tauassees [Tawasa]. Totka Tustannage of Wifalutka.3 Efau Tustannagee of Mikasuky [Mikasuki] for Hopay Hadjo. Pawas mico of Ocoteyokony [Okitiyaganij. Tustannage Chapo of Ennussee [Emussee or Yamasee]. Tasikaya mico of the same. Tustannage Chupko of Tomathly [Tamah]. Halleveccha, king of Tomathla [Tamah]. Tuskinia, lieutenant of Chatoackchufall [Chatukchufaula].4 ' The town numbered 21 in list 1 and 5 in list 3, and are probably of Alabama origin. » Seven of list 3. • Perhaps identical with No. 13 in the third list. •* 'Copy of MS., AyerColl., Newberry Lib. •In the Ayer collection is a statement of tlie debts contracted by the Indians with this firm, the amount of each debt, and the name of the debtor, but the names are mostly English nicknames. The Chatukchufaula Indians were probably on the Chattahoochee at this time above the Coweta, and were therefore included. A similar grant of land was made to Forbes & Co. in 1811.5 The third list of Seminole towns was made only two years after Bell's.8 Where possible, in the subjoined reproduction of it, I have indicated by numbers in brackets the town in list 1 to which each corresponds, but the number of cases in which it has been found impossible to do this, together with the numerous changes in the names of the chiefs and in the town locations, show the difficulties encountered in tracing the history of Seminole bands. Town. I. Cohowofooche 2 [15]. Tallahassa [Talahasil. 3 [23]. Okehumpkee [Okihumga]. 4 [20]. Taphulga [Atap'- hulga].1 5 [21]. Totoawathla 6 [19]. Chokonokla ["Burnt house"?] 7 [18]. Iolee 8 [18]. Spanawalka ["Plen ty of Spaniards there"?]. 9. Oscillee 10. Ohathlokhouchy [Oilakutci]. II. Yumersee 12. Lochchiocha 13 [14?]. Alouko 14. Hiamonee 15. Tuckagulga 16. Wasupa 17. Hatchcalamocha 18. Etotulga ["Fallen tree ]. 19. Topananaulka [Tubenanalga, "Place of zigzag timber" 1. 20. Seleuxa [Ironwood?] . 21. Ahosulga 22. Mickasuky (New) . . . 23. Sampala [Sambala]. ' Chief. Neamothla [Heniha imala]. Chefixico [Tcu flksiko] . Miconope [Miko naba). . Ehe-mathlochee [Imalutci?]. Eheconhatamico [Ikanhatki miko]. Mulatto King Blount Cochrane Latafixico [Hola'ta flks iko]. Woxaholahta [Woksi hola'taf. Alac Hajo [Ahalak had j o J Okoska-amathla [Okoski imala]. Tukchuslu Hajo Chowastic [Tcowastayi] Ben Burgess. Toshatehismico [Koasati miko]. Amathla Hajo [Imala hadjoj. Mickcooche [Mikotci] . . . Obiakee Koamathla [Koe imala?] Hockoknakola Tuskameha Ehe-maltho-chee [Imalotci]. Menohomaltha Hajo [Heniha imala hadjoj. Yahola Hajo 24. Oktahatku [Oktaha hatki]. 26 [121. Chohalaboohhulka [Tcu lihaboa'lga, "Place where deer tracks abound"]. 1 Mentioned under the name of its chief, " Ematlochee," in II. S. Ind. Treaties (183S), p. 578, 1837, as a Creek town. Situation. 23 miles N. by W. from St. 20 miles N. by W. from St. Mark's. 60 miles SW. from Volusia. 30 miles E. of Appalachicola, and 1 mile N. of Forbes's purchase. W. side of Chattahoochee, 10 miles above the forks. W. side of Appalachicola, 4 m. below the fork. 60 m . above the mouth of Appa lachicola, on the W. bank. 2 m. below Iolee, on the same side. At the mouth of Oscillee River, on the E. bank. On Little River, 40 m. E. of y Appalachicola. Head of Sumulga Hatchee River, 20 m. N. of St. Mark's. 60 m. E. of Appalachicola, and near Ochlochne. E. side of Sumulga Hatchee River, 20 m. N. of St. Mark's. 5 m. from the Georgia line, on the E. bank of Ochlochne River. On the E. bank of Ochlochne River, between that and Hiamonee. 2 m. E. of Sumulga Hatchee River and 18 m. from St. Mark's. Near Drum Swamp, 18 m. W. of New Mickasuky town. 10 m. E. of the old Mickasuky town. 3 m. W. of New Mickasuky. Head of Oscillee River. 5 m. S. of New Mickasuky town. 30 m. W. of Suwanee River. 26 m. above the forks of the Appalachicola, on the W. bank. 7 m. E. of W. [I] from Sampala. W. side of Suwanee, above its junction with Alapaha. 412 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 73 Town. Chief. Situation. 26. Welika 27 [9]. Wachitokha 28. Talakhacha [Tala hatci?]. 29 [221. Sohopikaliga [Tohopki ligi, "Where sits a fort"]. 30. Loksachumpa 31. Ahapapka ["Place to eat potatoes"]. 32. Apukasasoche 33. Yulaka [Wialaka, spring, or Yulaha, orange?]. 34 [34]. Talahassee, or Spring Gardens. 35 Etanie 36. Tuslalahockaka 37 [27]. Yalacasooche.... Lathwamaltha [Hola'ta iinalaj. Ho-lahta-mico [Hola' ta miko]. Tullis Hajo [Hilis hadjo] Cho-ke-hip-kalana Lok-po-ka, Sakoosa Hajo [Takusa Hadjo]. OcheesetustanukafOtci'- si tastanagij. Enehe-mathlochee ( Heniha imaiutci]. Philip, or Emathla Uchee Tustehuka, or Billy [Yutcitastanagi] Checota Hajo Alac Hajo [Ahalak hadjo Yelathaloke 4 m. E. of Tallahassee towns. E. side of Suwanee, between that and Santa Fe. W. side of Cape Florida, on the seacoast. E. of the last town, 30 m. Head of St. John's River. Head of Okelawaha. 20 m. W. from the head of St. John's. On the W. side of St. John's River, 35 m. from Volusia or / Dexter. /-* ~ 10 in. from Volusia. W. of St. John's, E. of Black Creek. 10 m. W. of Walalecooche. Mouth of Oklawaha. Jackson Lewis gave me the name of one later Seminole town, Lanu'tci aba 'la ("Across a little mountain"), which I have not been able to identify in the above lists. With the Seminole war we have little to do. As an example of the possibilities of Indian warfare when opposed to European it has no parallel, having dragged through eight years, not including Jackson's first raid into northern Florida, and having cost the United States Government, it is estimated, $20,000,000, the lives of many thousand persons of both sexes, and enormous property losses besides. Mikonopi, who, as I have shown, represented the old Oconee element, was the theoretical head chief of the Indians during this contest, but the brains of native resistance were Osceola, an Indian from Tulsa, and Jumper, who is said to have come from the Upper Towns, but to have been the last survivor of "some ancient tribe." In spite of the prominence of these two Creeks, the Mikasuki and the other older elements as a whole took the most conspicuous parts in it. Although they were outnumbered, and in time nearly overwhelmed, by the later Creek refugees, to whom the popular but erroneous rendering of the term "Seminole," that of "runaways," would more particularly apply, the fact must be emphasized that the primacy in this war belonged to a non-Muskogee people who had in no way been concerned in the great Creek uprising, and that it was therefore at base a war with an entirely separate tribe. We learn from the report of an Indian agent,1 writing in 1846, that the year before, shortly after the removal of the Seminole to the strip of Oklahoma later occupied by them, there were 27 "towns" or bands there which were in 1846 reduced to 25 by the death of two leaders, and the incorporation of their bands with others. The associations of the Creek elements in particular, in Florida, were so little sanctified by time and custom that they were easily destroyed, and progressively, with gradual losses in numbers, these 25 were still further cut down, until within the memory of the older people, only eight towns or neighborhoods supporting square grounds remained, and in 1912 these had been still further reduced to six. The Mikasuki preserve a ground near Seminole, Okla., and the Hitchiti had one near Keokuk Falls, which was given up many years ago. Of the remainder, one, located near Sasakwa, is called Liwahali, and, as I have stated above, contains, besides persons from the Upper Creek town of that name, the descendants of those who once occupied Kan-hatki and Fus-hatchee. Eufaula may be assumed to represent the descendants of that old Seminole colony planted at Tcuko tcati. According to the people now constituting it, the only Indians other than Eufaula living there are Chiaha. The other square grounds are called Okfuskee, Chiaha, Talahasutci, and Otcisi. Okfuskee and Chiaha bear names of former Creek towns, but I learn that the appellations are quite conventional, although no doubt some of the individuals going by the name are actually descended from people belonging to the town which the name indicates. Talahasutci is probably the "Talahasochte" of Bartram. There are now no old people belonging to it, but the chief told me he thought it had broken away from Tulsa. On the other hand, some Creek informants insisted that it came either from Abihka or from Abihka through Pakan talahasi. As I have pointed out else where, Pakan talahasi did not come from Abihka, and it is not likely that this town did either. If Hawkins is right in his description of the make-up of the Seminole population it would seem that originally it must have been either a Mikasuki town or a branch of Lower Eufaula.1 Conclusive evidence is lacking. In Bartram's time the chief was known as the White King (Miko hatki).2 Otcisi is a name not found among the regular town names of the Creeks proper. One of my oldest informants said that his mother explained it as derived from the custom of going out after hickory nuts (otci) with which to make oil. He thought the town was a branch of Eufaula hopai, but that into it had been gathered people from other places. Otcisi was, however, a name given by Hitchiti-speaking people to the Creeks, and in fact to any who used a language different from their own. Another informant, himself an Otcisi, said that most of the inhabitants came from Hickory Ground, though a few were from Talwa lako. This is, perhaps, the most probable statement, since this man, Yonasi, was the oldest person belonging to that place. The name, as applied to a town, appears as early as 1800 in the diary of Manuel Garcia, a Spanish officer sent to receive the Apalachee fort from Bowles.1 But, as I have already said, the lack of permanence of most Seminole towns, and the frequent change of name which they underwent, has rendered it next to impossible to follow in any connected manner the history of more than a very few groups. At the same time the main outlines of Seminole history and the principal factors entering into it are quite evident. They were at base a portion of the Atsikhata or non-Muskogee people of southern Georgia, around whom had gathered a still more numerous body of refugee Muskogee. These latter obscured their original character to such an extent that its basal separateness was usually unrecognized, and ultimately the language of the invaders overwhelmed that of the original settlers. This fact lends coherence to several early statements like that of Swan that "the Seminoles are the original stock of the Creek, but their language has undergone so great a change that it is hardly understood by the Upper Creeks, or even by themselves in general. It is preserved by many old people, and taught by women to the children as a kind of religious duty; but as they grow to manhood, they forget and lose it by the more frequent use of the modern tongue." 2 Of course, Swan misunderstood the situation. The original Creek language of which he speaks was Mikasuki, which in his time was already being crowded out by Muskogee or Creek proper. (Swanton)

In 1750, however, four Sawokli settlements appear to be named with more than 50 men14 and in 1760 four with a total of 190. 15 The Tamali are perhaps included in this last census. In 1761 they and the neighboring villages, probably of the same connection, were estimated to contain only 50 hunters.1 Hawkins says that Sawoklutci contained 20 families, but gives no figures for Sawokli itself.2 Young (1821) gives a town called Ehawho-ka-les, apparently intended for Sawokli, having 150 inhabitants.4 He gives 580 in Okitiyagana.3 The census of 1832 gives 187 Sawokli, besides 42 slaves, 157 in its branch town, Okawaigi, and 106 in another branch^ Hatcheetcaba.4 The few still living are about Okmulgee, Oklahoma. (Swanton)

The Okmulgee are enumerated first in 1750, when they are credited with more than 20 men, and the census of 1760 gives them 30 men.10 In 1761 they are said to have had, together with the Chiaha and Osochi, 120 hunters." Hawkins does not give their numbers, but Morse in 1822 says, on the authority of Young, that there were 220 in all.1 They may be one of the two Osochi towns in the list of 1832 which number almost alike.2 The omission of their name is strange since, after the removal to Oklahoma, they constituted a very important town. (Swanton)

The only references bearing on the population of the Tamahita tribe are in the census list of 1750, where the "Tamaita" among the Lower Creeks are set down as having more than 18 men,3 and in that of 1761 where the "Coosawtee including Tomhetaws" are credited with 125 hunters.' But see pp. 188-191. (Swanton)

The French estimate of 1750 gives 30+ in the town and 240+ in the group.2 In 1760 the Coosa group of towns numbered about 430 men, and in 1761 about 270 hunters are reported in them [Note: David Taitt states in his diary of 1772 that some years before his time Okfuskee numbered 300 gunmen but the town had then spread out so much into branch villages that there were only about 30 gunmen in the old settlement. In the same way Great Tulsa which had once contained 100 gunmen had become reduced to "not above thirty " by thc settlement of two outvillages, one 8, the other 25 miles off. The Coosa towns at about that time must have contained upward of 400 gunmen.]. In 1792 the "Coosa of Chickasaw Camp" were credited with 80 men, and all the Coosa offshoots together with 440.4 According to the figures furnished by Hawkins the entire Coosa connection would number upward of 520, and by the census of 1832 the grand total was 3,792 Indians, about one-sixth of the entire Creek population. (Swanton)

On the Mitchell map of 1755 we find "Massi," probably intended for the same tribe, placed on the southeast bank of the Tallapoosa River between Tukabahchee and Holiwahali.7 The name appears also on several later maps, such as those of Evans, 1771, and D'Anville, 1790, but it was probably copied into them from Mitchell. Without giving any authority Gatschet quotes a statement to the effect "that the Yemasi band of Creeks refused to fight in the British-American war of 1813."1 There is reason to think that this band subsequently moved down among the Lower Creeks and thence into Florida. Into his report of 1822 Morse copies a list of "Seminole" bands from the manuscript journal of a certain Captain Young, and among these we find the "Emusas," consisting of only 20 men and located 8 miles above the Florida boundary.2 Their name is probably preserved in that of Omusee Creek, in Henry and Houston Counties, Alabama. What is evidently the same band appears again in a list of Seminole towns made in 1823, where it has the more correct form "Yumersee." They had then moved into Florida and were located at the "head of the Sumulga Hatchee River, 20 miles north of St. Mark's." The chief man was "Alac Hajo," whose name is Creek, properly Ahalak hadjo, "Potato hadjo."2 It may be surmised that these people were subsequently absorbed into the Mikasuki band of Seminole. (Swanton)

In 1752 and the year following there was a Shawnee town not far from Coosa River, apparently in the country of the Abihka Indians. In fact, some maps show two settlements of the tribe here, one of which is called "Cayomulgi," which is evidently the " Kiamulgatown " of the census list of 1832.5 No town of the name is now remembered; perhaps it was the Creek name for the Shawnee town, which had by the whites been applied to a later Creek settlement. Hawkins gives "Kiomulgee" as the name of the upper part of Natchez or Tallasee Hatchee Creek, which extends toward Sylacauga.8 This would agree well with the location of a town on the Purcell map (pl. 7) called Mulberry Tree, not other wise identified. It should be noted that the Creek word for mulberry is ki while orrndga signifies all. In the French census of 1760 there appear among the Creeks two Shawnee towns of 50 men each. One was evidently the settlement just mentioned, which is called Chalakagay, perhaps intended for Sylacauga, a name which indicates in Creek a place where buzzards are plentiful—and the other is meant for "Little Shawnee." The latter is placed within 3 leagues of Fort Toulouse.7 In the census of 1761 we find only the latter settlement, " Savanalis opposite toMucklassee or shaircula savanalis." "Shaircula" is probably intended for Hathawekela. It then numbered 30 hunters and had as agents William Trewin and Crook & Co.8 Bartram includes this in his list of Creek towns, but confounds its inhabitants with the Yuchi.9 Swan gives a town bearing the Shawnee name and states that Kan-hat ki was also occupied by Indians of this tribe.10 I have elsewhere shown that, on this latter point, he is in error. In 1797 Hawkins states that the trader here was "John Haigue, commonly called Savannah Jack," evidently a mixed blood.11 In his sketch he has the following to say regarding it: "Sau-wa-no-gee is on a pine flat [Note: The published edition has "forest."], three miles below Le-cau-suh, and back from a swamp bordering on the river; their fields are on both sides of the river, but mostly on the left bank, between the swamp and the river, on a vein of rich canebreakland; they are the Shaw-a-ne, and retain the language and customs of their countrymen to the northwest, and aided them in their late war with the United States. Some Uchees have settled with them; they are industrious, work with their women, and make plenty of corn; they have no cattle, and but few horses and hogs; the town house is an oblong square cabin, roof eight feet pitch, the sides and roof covered with the bark of the pine; on the left of the river."2 The tribe does not appear in the census list of 1832 unless it may be concealed under the appellation "Kiamulgatown" above men tioned.8 At what time the Shawnee separated definitely from the Creeks I do not know, but it was as early as the time of the removal, although their reservations in the west adjoined and the Shawnee and Creeks retained their old-time intimacy. (Swanton)

In De Brahm's "History of the Province of Georgia" the entire Creek population about 1753 is estimated at 15,000 and the number of their warriors at 3,000.6 De Kerlerec, in 1758, estimated the Alabama, Tallapoosa, and Abihka Indians at 1,000 warriors, and the "Kaouitas" (i. e., Lower Creeks), at 2,000.7 A French manuscript from the third decade of the 18th century seems to give 3,500 men, exclusive of 400 Alabama, although the material is somewhat confused.8 An estimate dated in the year 1761 gives 2,500 gunmen.9 In 1764 John Stuart places the total number of Creek gunmen, exclusive of the Natchez, Yuchi, Shawnee, and some Alabama, at 3,600. 10 Romans estimates 3,500 gunmen in 1771," and Bartram, about the same time, a total population of 11,000.12 The latter arrives at his conclusion by allowing 200 persons to each of the 55 Creek towns known to him. Swan, 1791, says "the smallest of their towns have from 20 to 30 houses in them, and some of the largest contain from 150 to 200, that are tolerably compact";12 and further on Gen. M'Gillivray estimates the number of gunmen to be between 5,000 and 6,000, exclusive of marauders, acting independent of the general interest of the others. The "useless" old men AN98 and the women and children were reckoned as three times the number of gunmen, making the total about 25,000 or 26,000 souls.14 These figures are perhaps a little high, as the census of 1832, taken just before the removal of the Creeks to the other side of the Mississippi, yielded a grand total of 21, 759. 15 The figures given out by the U. S. Indian Office and from other sources between this date and 1857 vary between 20,000 and 25,000, but it is probable that the Creek population was actually shrinking during the period, for a more accurate census taken by the Indian Office in 1857 gave only 14,888. Since then they have shrunk slowly, even in the official enumerations, and more rapidly if we take into consideration the actual amount of Indian blood which these figures represent. This latter element probably accounts in a measure for the fact that the U. S. Official Census of 1910 gives only 6,945 Creeks as against 1 1,91 1 in the Report of the U. S. Indian Office issued the same year. The difficulty with the foregoing figures is the fact that during most of this period the population was both receiving accessions from outside and giving out part of its population in various directions. Some of the accessions were received so far back that all of our figures include them. The Apalachicola, Yuchi, Natchez, Yamasee, Oconee, and Shawnee, however, also some of the Alabama, were taken in after certain of the estimates and counts had been made. (Swanton)

In June, 1755, we find reference to 35 Chickasaw Indians "that usually reside about Augusta;"6 and under date of November 27, 1760, the same records speak of Chickasaw settled at New Savannah, about 12 miles from Augusta.7 In 1795 the tribe laid claim to land opposite Augusta on the basis of this early settlement, and a memorial was sent to the United States Government to substantiate it,8 but it was probably not occupied after the Revolution. The later history of the Savannah band [of Chickesaw] is thus given by Hawkins, quoting Tasikaia miko, a Kasihta chief. It contains an interesting hint regarding the past history of the people under consideration. "Cussetuh and Chickasaw consider themselves as people of one fire (tote-kit-cau humgoce) from the earliest account of their origin. Cussetuh appointed the first Micco for them, directed him to sit down in the big Savanna, where they now are, and govern them. Some of the Chickasaws straggled off and settled near Augusta, from whence they returned and sat down near Cussetuh, and thence back to their nation. Cussetuh and Chickasaw have remained friends ever since their first acquaintance."1 Hawkins adds that on account of this friendship the Kasihta town refused to take part in the war between the Creeks and Chickasaw in 1795.1 As Hawkins wrote in 1799 it appears that this band of Chickasaw had rejoined their own people by that date. Still another outsettlement was on the lower course of the Tennessee River, where it is mentioned by Coxe 2 and some other very early writers, but it was soon abandoned for the main settlements. In comparatively late times a small body settled temporarily on the Ohio. In 1752 and 1753 the Chickasaw defeated MM. Benoist and Reggio.3 Under date of August, 1754, the Colonial Documents of Georgia inform us that the Chickasaw had been twice attacked, evidently referring to these expeditions, and reported that they could not stand a third assault without help.4 Aid was m consequence sent to them. A little later war broke out with the Cherokee and terminated about 1768 with a decisive Chickasaw victory on the Chickasaw old fields.5 During this period they were harassed more by the Choctaw and other French Indians than by the French, and their numbers fell off greatly in consequence. Romans, who visited their towns in 1771, compares them with the Choctaw rather to their own disadvantage. He says that the Chickasaw towns, or "town" as he chooses to call it, "they divide into seven by the names of Melattaw (i.e., hat and feather); Chatelaw (i.e., copper town); Chukafalaya (i.e., long town); Hikihaw (i.e., stand still); Chucalissa (i.e., great town)[Note: The translation is wrong. It means "town deserted."]; Tuckahaw (i.e., a certain weed); and Ashuck hooma (i.e., red grass); This was formerly inclosed in palisadoes, and thus well fortified against the attacks of small arms, but now it lays open."7 He says that the traders nicknamed this tribe "the breed," presumably on account of the extent to which it had intermixed with others and with the whites. He himself declares that there were only two genuine Chickasaw of the old stock living—one a man named Northwest. The fidelity which this tribe had displayed with but individual exceptions toward the English was afterwards transferred to the Americans, and few disputes arose between the two peoples.' In 1786 official relations with the United States Government began when, by the Hopewell treaty, their northern boundary was placed at the Ohio.1 In 1793-1795 war broke out with the Creeks, who invaded the Chickasaw country to the number of 1,000. Here they attacked a small stockade. They were met by a mere handful of Chickasaw, but an unaccountable panic seized the invaders, who fled precipitately. This victory was won by a body of about 200 Chickasaw. Soon afterwards peace was made.2 Although they were at peace with the white settlers, the latter after this time began to press steadily in upon the Chickasaw, who, by a treaty signed July 23, 1805, made their first cession of territory to the United States Government. Further cessions were made September 14, 1816, October 19, 1818, and October 20, 1832. By the provisions of the treaty signed on the date last mentioned they yielded up their right to all of their lands to the east of the Mississippi 3 and accepted new homes in the territory now included in the State of Oklahoma. The actual migration began in 1822, ten years before the treaty was signed, and extended to 1838. Together with the Choctaw they occupied what is now the southeastern part of this State between the Arkansas and Canadian Rivers on the north and the Red River on the south. The two tribes mingled together rather indiscriminately at first, but were separated in 1855, the Chickasaw being assigned the westernmost part of the above area. Here a national government was established after the pattern of those of the Choctaw and the other "civilized tribes," and this lasted until the nation merged into the State of Oklahoma, of which the Chickasaw are now citizens. (Swanton)

The last Apalachee baptismal notice in the registers of the parish church at Mobile is under date of 1751.1 In his report of 1758 De Kerlerec says under the heading "Apataches," which is of course a misprint for Apalaches: "This nation of about 30 warriors is situated on the other (i. e., east) side of Mobile Bay. They are reduced to this small number on account of the quantity of drink which has been sold to them in trade at all times; they are Christians and have a curacy established among them administered by a Capuchin, who acquits himself of it very poorly. This nation has been attached to us for a long time. It is divided into two bands, one of which is on Spanish territory, a dependence of Pensacola. The warriors who are allied with us (dependent de nous) are equally of great use in conveying the dispatches of Tombigbee and the Alabamas, especially this latter, where we send soldiers as little as possible on account of the too great ease with which they can desert and pass to the English."2 (Swanton)

In 1758 De Kerlerec gives the number of their warriors as 30, probably including both the Spanish and the French bands. In 1764, after the cession of Mobile to Great Britain, the Apalachee, along with several other tribes, moved over into Louisiana and settled on Red River. In 1806 we learn from Sibley that they counted but 14 men.15 Whether this band embraced both the Mobile and Florida Apalachee is uncertain, but probably all went together. Morse reported 150 in Louisiana in 1817, a very considerable overestimate." Only one or two Indians of Apalachee blood are now known to be in existence in Louisiana and Texas. There are a very few among the Alabama in Oklahoma. (Swanton)

[The Tawasa] name occurs again in the French census of 1760, when two bodies are given, one settled with the Fus-hatchee Indians on the Tallapoosa, 4 leagues from Fort Toulouse, the other forming an independent body 7 leagues from that post.6 When next we hear of them it is from Hawkins in 1799, and they are on Alabama River below the old French post, and are reckoned as one of the four towns of the Alabama Indians.7 [Note: Hawkins's description of the Tawasa town as it existed in 1799 is given, along with descriptions of the other Alabama towns, on pp. 197-198.] The fact of this removal from Mobile Bay to the upper Alabama is confirmed from the Indian side by Stiggins in giving what he supposes to be the history of all of the Alabama Indians. He says: "The first settlement we find in tracing the Alabamas (a branch of the Creek or Ispocoga tribe) is at the confluence of the Alabama River and Tensaw Lake, near the town of Stockton, in Baldwin County. Their settlements extended up the lake and river as far as Fort Mimbs; their town sites and other settlements they called Towassee, and at this time they call that extent of country Towassee Talahassee, which is Towassee Old Town. The white settlers of the place call it the Tensaw settlement. The Indians say traditionally that at the time of their residence there that they were a very rude, barbarous set of people and in a frightful state of ignorance; their missile weapons for both war and subsistence were bows and arrows made of cane and pointed with flint or bone sharpened to a point. With the same weapons they repelled their foe in time of war; in the wintertime they got their subsistence in the forest, and they made use of them to kill their fish in the shallow parts of the lakes in the summer season. They say very jocosely they consider that at this time were they to meet one of their ancestors armed in ancient manner, and dressed in full habiliment with buck skin of his own manufacture that it would inspire them with dread to behold his savage appearance. They very often make mention of their forefathers of that age calling it the time when their ancestors made an inhuman appearance, by which we may judge that the then state of their forefathers has been handed down to them as a very rude and frightful state almost beyond conception. They do not pretend to any traditional account, when or for what they emigrated to this distance. They have a tradition that many of the inhabitants of ancient Towassee for some reason unknown to them were carried off on shipboard by the French or some other white people many years since. It must have been in consequence of said interruption when the Towassee settlement was depopulated and carried off on shipboard that the remaining part of the tribe removed up the river and made the settlements and towns Autauga and Towassee in the bend of the river below the city of Montgomery, where they resided to the close of their hostile movements in the year of eighteen hundred and thirteen."1 From this it appears that Autauga, the Alabama town farthest downstream, was settled by the same people.2 From the records available we learn nothing regarding the supposed deportation of part of the tribe, but it is quite likely that some members embarked on sailing vessels, or Stiggins may have confused the Natchez story with this. I have already given my own explanation of the Tawasa removal to the upper Alabama.3 There is nothing to indicate any break in the amicable relations existing between this tribe and the French. We may infer that their ancient occupancy of this region, as evidenced by the De Soto narratives, had something to do in determining them to return to it when Fort Toulouse was founded. And it is also probable that their language was not very distantly related to Alabama. At any rate, from this time on they followed the fortunes of the Alabama tribe. Not long after the time to which Hawkins's description applies the Alabama divided, part moving into Louisiana to be near the French, part remaining with the English and subsequently accompanying the rest of the Creeks into what is now Oklahoma. Some of the Tawasa evidently went to Louisiana, because the name is still remembered by the descendants of that portion of the tribe and the father of one of my most intelligent informants among them was a Tawasa. The majority, however, would seem to have remained with the Creeks, since Tawasa and Autauga are the only names of Alabama towns which appear on the census roll of 1832. l In Hawkins's time Pawokti was the name of one of the four Alabama towns. From the resemblance between the name of the tribe and and Poiihka, one of those given on the Lamhatty map,3 and from the fact that two other Alabama towns, Tawasa and Autauga, are known to have come from the same region, it may be suspected that the two were identical and that the Pawokti and Tawasa had had similar histories. Hawkins's description of the town occupied by this tribe as it existed in 1799 is given with his account of the other Alabama towns on page 197.2 (Swanton)

...the French census of 1760 shows [Osochi] between the Yuchi and Chiaha, and those of 1738 and 1750 near the Okmulgee. (Swanton)

The trader located at the main Yuchi town in 1797 is given by Hawkins as James Smithmoor.3 The Yuchi also appear in the enumerations of 1760,4 1761,5 that of Swan,5 and in the census of 1832, when they were credited with one main town and with a branch village called High Log.7 During the latter part of the 18th century and the first of the nineteenth, settlements of Yuchi were probably scattered through southern Georgia at many places. Imlay says "The Uchees Indians oecupy four different places of residence, at the head of St. John's, the Fork of St. Mary's, the head of Cannuchee, and the head of St. Tillis (Satilla)."8 After their removal to the new Creek territories west of the Mississippi they settled in the northwestern part of the nation, where they continued an almost distinct tribal life, although represented in the Creek national assembly. The reader is referred to Dr. Speck's admirable paper for an account of their later condition.9 Besides the Savannah, the Yuchi also occupied at least the upper portion of Ogeechee River. This is indicated by Hawkins in his account of the Yuchi town just given and also by several maps of the 18th century, in which the Ogeechee is called "Great Ogeechee or Hughchee River,"10 the latter being one spelling of the name Yuchi. On many maps we find "Ogeechee Old Town" laid down near the upper course of Ogeechee River and on the trading path from Augusta to Ocmulgee old fields and the Creek country. The way in which this appears indicates that the town had removed at the time of the Yamasee war, when it may have united with those Yuchi known as Westo, the larger body of Yuchi not migrating until some years later. Their fate is somewhat confused by the following reference in Bar tram: "Mr. Egan politely rode with me over a great part of the island (Amelia). On Egmont estate are several very large Indian tumuli, which are called Ogeeche mounts, so named from that nation of Indians who took shelter here, after being driven from their native settlements on the main near Ogeeche River. Here they were constantly harrassed by the Carolinians and Creeks, and at length slain by their conquerors, and their bones entombed in these heaps of earth and shells."1 If there is any truth in this legend at all it is probable that the people referred to were Yamasee, or at least Indians of the province of Guale who had perhaps lived about the mouth of the Ogeechee, but not the Ogeechee tribe we have been considering. As noted above, a portion of the Yuchi went to Florida. They appear first in west Florida near the Mikasuki,2 but later they moved across the peninsula and settled at Spring Garden, east of Dexters Lake, in Volusia County. Afterwards they were involved in the long Seminole war with the whites. All of them did not go in the first emigrations, a special census taken in the year 1847 giving four Yuchi warriors among the Seminole left in the peninsula.2 (Swanton)

No separate enumeration of the Tawasa and Pawokti is available, except in the census of 1760, which returns about 40 Tawasa 11 men, the Georgia census of 1792, which reports about 60, and the 1832 census, where, including Autauga, 321 are given, with 21 negro slaves.12 It is probable, however, that this last includes all of the Alabama at that time remaining in the Creek Nation. (Swanton)

The census of 1760 gives about 40 Tawasa men and 50 Mugulasha, while a town which perhaps corresponds to Okchaiutci contained 100 men.14 The census of 1761 gives 30 hunters for Muklasa, 20 for Okchaiutci, and 70 for Wetumpka and 'Red Ground," the second of which was probably also an Alabama settlement, but there is no reference to Pawokti, Tawasa, or Autauga, though at this time they must have been among the Upper Creeks.1 Henry Bouquet in 1764 gives 6,000 warriors[!],2 and Marbury in 1792 has 60 Alabama Indians, 40 Okchaiutci, 30 Muklasa, and apparently 60 Tawasa (including Red Ground), though his spelling renders this uncertain. Hawkins in 1799 estimated the Alabama proper—Tawasa, Pawokti, and Autauga—to comprise about 80 gun men, but he does not give the number of those in Okchaiutci or Muklasa.3 Stiggins places the number of Alabama in 1814 at 2,000, which is excessive.4 In 1832 the Alabama are represented only by Tawasa and Autauga with a combined population of 321 and 21 slaves.5 This was after the separation of those Alabama who went to Louisiana and Texas. In 1806 Sibley states that there were two Alabama villages in Louisiana, one containing about 30, the other about 40 men.8 According to Morse, in 1817, there were 160 Alabama, all told, in Texas, but he probably overlooked some bands.7 In 1882 the United States Indian Office reported, or rather estimated, 290 "Alabama, Kushatta, and Muskogee" in the State of Texas,8 and the same figure is repeated without variation in every subsequent report until 1901, when 470 are given on the authority of the census of 1900.9 This figure is repeated until 1911. In 1910 a special agent was sent to these people from the Indian Office to inquire into their condition and make an enumeration of them, but his instructions did not cover the Koasati Indians, who were consequently ignored. The number of Alabama was found to be 192; the Koasati were estimated along with some Seminole, Isleta, and other Indians in different parts of the State.10 These figures were repeated in the Indian Office Reports for 1912, 1913, and 1914. The census of 1910 returned 187 Alabama in Texas and 111 in Louisiana—a total of 298.1! The number of those in Oklahoma is small, but there are enough to maintain a square ground. No separate enumeration of them has been made, so far as I am aware. By the earliest writers the Koasati were probably included among the Alabama. The first independent enumeration of them is in the estimate of 1750, which gives 50 men. That of 1760 gives 150 men.12 In the census of 1761 they and the Tamahita together are reported as having had 125 hunters.1 At least 100 of these wene undoubtedly Koasati. Taitt, writing in 1772, reports 40 "Alibamons" here.2 He probably means 40 gunmen. In 1792 Marbury credits them with 130 men (see p. 437). About 1793 some of them began to move to Louisiana and others followed from time to time. "Those that were left in 1832 numbered 82 according to the census of that year.3 In 1806 Sibley states that the Koasati in Louisiana supposed the number of men in all their settlements there to reach 200. 4 Schermerhorn estimates their number on the Sabine in 1814 at 600.5 Morse, in 1817, gives 350 on Red River, 50 on the Neches 40 miles above its mouth, and 240 on the Trinity, a total of 640 men, women, and children.8 In 1829 Porter gives 180 Koasati.7 Bollaert in 1850 estimated the number of warriors among the Koasati on the lower Trinity alone at 500 in two villages.8 After 1882 they were enumerated by the Indian Office along with the Alabama as given above. In 1910 11 were with the Alabama in Texas, 85 in Louisiana, and 2 in Nebraska—a total of 98. 9 A few more are in Oklahoma. There were two branches of the Tuskegee, one of which united with the Cherokee. The latter was probably small and I have no data regarding it. The other is set down in the census of 1750 as containing 10 men, in that of 1760 as containing 50 men,10 and in that of 1761 as containing, along with "Coosaw old town," 40 hunters.11 Taitt, in 1772, gives about 25 gunmen,12 as does Marbury in 1792 (p. 437). In 1799 Hawkins says they had 35 gunmen.13 The census of 1832 returned 216 Indians and 35 slaves.14 (Swanton)

...about the year 1761 we hear of "a few Yamasees, about 20 men, near St. Augustine."8 (Swanton)

We find through a list of trading assignments made in 1761 that the " Pallachocolas " were then assigned to Macartan and Campbell.1 In 1797 the trader was Benjamin Steadham.2 Hawkins, in 1799, has the following to say regarding Apalachicola: Pa-la-chooc-le is on the right bank of Chat-to-ho-che, one and a half miles below Au-he-gee creek on a poor, pine barren flat; the land back from it is poor, broken, pine land; their fields are on the left side of the river, on poor land. This was formerly the first among the Lower Creek towns; a peace town, averse to war, and called' by the nation, Tal-lo-wau thluc-co (big town). The Indians are poor, the town has lost its former consequence, and is not now much in estimation."3 This confirms Bartram and Tchikilli regarding the former importance of the town, and also shows a rather early fall of the tribe from its high estate. The census of 1832, taken just before the removal of the Creeks west of the Mississippi, gives 77 " Palochokolo " Indians, and 162 "Tolowarthlocko" Indians, besides 7 slaves.4 While there were no doubt two settlements of these people at the time, the enumerator has made an evident error in giving the Hitchiti name to one and the Creek name, Talwa lako, to the other. The remnant are to be found principally in the neighborhood of Okmulgee, Okla., a former capital of the Creek Nation in the west. (Swanton)

In the assignment to the traders, July 3, 1761, we find "The Point Towns called Ouschetaws [Osochi], Chehaws and Oakmulgees," given to George Mackay and James Hewitt along with the Hitchiti town.5 Bartram spells the name "Hooseche," and says that they spoke the Muskogee tongue, but this is probably an error even for his time.8 In 1797 their trader was Samuel Palmer.7 Hawkins, in 1799, has the following to say about them: "Oose-oo-che; is about two miles below Uehee, on the right bank of Chat-to-ho-chee; they formerly lived on Flint river, and settling here, they built a hot house in 1794; they cultivate with their neighbors, the Che-au-haus, below them, the land in the point."8 The statement regarding their origin tends to tie them a little more definitely to the tribe mentioned in the Spanish map. The census of 1832 gives two settlements as occupied by this tribe, which it spells "Oswichee," one on Chattahoochee River and one "on the waters of Opillike Hatchee (Opile'ki ha'tci)." In 1804 Hawkins condemns the Osochi for a reactionary outbreak which occurred there when "we were told they would adhere to old times, they preferred the old bow and arrow to the gun."10 After their removal west of the Mississippi the Osochi were settled on the north side of the Arkansas some distance above the present city of Muskogee. Later a part of them moved over close to Council Hill to be near the Hitchiti and also, according to another authority, on account of the Green Peach war. An old man belonging to this group told me that his grandmother could speak Hitchiti, and he believed that in the past more spoke Hitchiti than Creek. This is also indicated by the close association of the Osochi and Chiaha in early days. The two together settled a town known as Hotalgihuyana.1 Their familiarity with Hitchiti may have been merely a natural result of long association with Chiaha and Apalachicola Indians. No remembrance of any language other than Hitchiti and Muskogee is preserved among them.

In 1761 they were assigned to the traders, George Mackay and James Hewitt, along with the Point towns." Their name occurs in the lists of both Swan and Bartram.4 In 1797 the trader there was William Grey.5 Hawkins (1790) gives the following description of the Hitchiti town and its branch villages: "Hit-che-tee is on the left bank of Chat-to-ho-che, four miles below Che-au-hau; they have a narrow strip of good land bordering on the river, and back of this it rises into high, poor land, which spreads off flat. In approaching the town on this side there is no rise, but a great descent to the town flat; on the right bank of the river the land is level and extends out for two miles; is of thin quality; the growth is post oak, hickory, and pine, all small; then pine barren and ponds. "The appearance about this town indicates much poverty and indolence; they have no fences; they have spread out into villages, and have the character of being honest and industrious; they are attentive to the rights of their white neighbors, and no charge of horse stealing from the frontiers has been substantiated against them. The villages are: 1st. Hit-che-too-che (Little Hit-che-tee), a small village of industrious people, settled on both sides of Flint River, below Kit-cho-foo-ne; they have good fences, cattle, horses, and hogs, in a fine range, and are attentive to them. 2d. Tut-tal-lo-see (fowl), on a creek of that name, twenty miles west from Hit-chetoo-che. This is a fine creek on a bed of limestone; it is a branch of Kitch-o-foo-ne; the land bordering on the creek, and for eight or nine miles [Note: The Lib. of Cong. MS. has "six or eight"] in the direction towards Hit-che-too-che, is level, rich, and fine for cultivation, with post and black oak, hickory, dogwood and pine. The villagers have good worm fences, appear industrious, and have large stocks of cattle, some hogs and horses; they appear decent and orderly, and are desirous of preserving a friendly intercourse with their neighbors; they have this year, 1799, built a square. [Note: Hitchiti were also on Chickasawhatchee Creek.] Manuel Garcia calls this latter village " Totolosehache."2 According to an anonymous writer quoted by Gatsohet there were, about 1820, six "Fowl towns," Cahalli hatchi, old Tallahassi, Atap'halgi, Allik hadshi, Ectatulga, and Mikasuki.3 Most of these will be referred to again when we come to speak of Seminole towns.4 The census of 1832 mentions a Hitchiti village called Hibaje. After their removal to the west the Hitchiti were placed in about the center of the Creek Nation, near what is now Hitchita station, and their descendants have remained there and about Okmulgee up to the present time. A portion migrated to Florida and after the removal maintained a square ground for a time in the northern part of the Seminole Nation, Oklahoma. Some persons in this neighborhood still preserve the language. (Swanton)

In the early Carolina documents there are few references to them, the general name Tallapoosa being used for them and their Creek neighbors on Tallapoosa River. It is curious that the name Alabama does not occur in the list of Creek towns in the census of 1761, but part of them may be included in the following: "Welonkees including red Ground, 70 hunters," the name of the principal Alabama town being "Red Ground" in Hawkins's time.1 Another part of them are, however, represented by the "Little Oakchoys, assigned to Wm. Trewin. " 2 The enumeration of 1750 seems to give Red Ground in the distorted form "Canachequi." In 1777 Bartram visited a town which he calls "Alabama" situated at the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers, but this seems really to have been Tuskegee.4 Hawkins enumerates four settlements which he believed to be the ancient Alabama, but in fact only the first of these appears to have consisted of true Alabama, the others being probably made up of later additions, which have already been considered (pp. 137-141). Following is his description of these four places: 1st. E-cun-chate; from E-cun-na, earth, and chate, red. A small village on the left bank of Alabama, which has its fields on the right side, in the cane swamp; they are a poor people, without stock, are idle and indolent, and seldon make bread enough, but have fine melons in great abundance in their season. The land back from the settlement is of thin quality, oak, hickory, pine and ponds. Back of this, hills, or waving. Here the soil is of good quality for cultivation; that of thin quality extends nearly a mile. 2d. Too-wos-sau, is three miles below E-cun-cha-te, on the same side of the river; a small village on a high bluff, the land is good about, and back of the village; they have some lots fenced with cane, and some with rails, for potatoes and ground nute; the corn is cultivated on the right side of the river, on rich cane swamps; these people have a few hogs, but no other stock. 3d. Pau-woc-te; a small village two miles below Too-was-sau, [Note: Also given as 7 miles below the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa] on a high bluff, the same side of the river; the land is level and rich for five miles back; but none of it is cultivated around their houses; their fields are on the right bank of the river, on rich cane swamp; they have a few hogs and horses, but no cattle; they had, formerly, the largest and best breed of hogs in the nation, but have lost them by carelessness or inattention. [Note In 1797 Hawkins states that the trader here was "Charles Weatherlord, a man of infamous character, a dealer in stolen horses; condemned and reprieved the 28th of May."] 4th. At-tau-gee; a small village four miles below Pau-woc-te, spread out for two miles on the right bank of the river; they have fields on both sides, but their chief dependence is on the left side; the land on the left side is rich; on the right side the pine forest extends down to At-tau-gee Creek; below this creek the land is rich. These people have very little intercourse with white people; although they are hospitable, and offer freely any thing they have, to those who visit them. They have this singular custom, as soon as a white person has eaten of any dish and left it, the remains are thrown away, and every thing used by the guest immediately washed. They have some hogs, horses, and cattle, in a very fine range, perhaps the best on the river: the land to the east as far as Ko-e-ne-cuh, and except the plains (Hi-yuc-pul-gee), is well watered, with much canebrake, a very desirable country. On the west or right side, the good land extends about five miles, and on all the creeks below At-tau-gee, it is good; some of the trees are large poplar, red oak, and hickory, walnut on the margins of the creeks, and pea-vine in the valleys. These four villages have, in all, about eighty gunmen; they do not conform to the customs of the Creeks, and the Creek law for the punishment of adultery is not known to them." [Note: Bossu's account shows clearly that the last statement is erroneous.] At an earlier period the Alabama had a town still farther downstream which appears in many maps under the name Nitahauritz, interpreted by Mr. H. S. Halbert to mean "Bear Fort." Hawkins mentions the fact that already a body of Koasati had gone beyond the Mississippi.2 He does not say the same of the Alabama, yet we know that that tribe had also begun to split up. In describing the Koasati an account of one of these migrations will be given. From the papers of the British Indian agent, John Stuart, we learn that as early as 1778 bands of Kan-tcati and Tawasa had moved into northern Florida,3 and after the Creek-American war their numbers were swollen very considerably. They did not, however, long maintain a distinct existence. The movement toward the west was of much more importance. It appears that the long association of these Indians with the French, due to the presence of a French post among them, had bred an attachment to that nation among the Alabama equally with the tribes about Mobile Bay, and part of them also decided to move across into Louisiana after the peace of 1763. A further inducement was the almost virgin hunting ground to be found in parts of that colony. That the first emigration occurred about the date indicated (1763) [Note: It may have been a few years later, for John Stuart, the British Indian agent, writes, December2, 1766, that some of these Indians had expressed a desire to settle on the bunks of the Mississippi] is proved by Sibley, writing in 1806, who has the following to say of the Alabama in the State of Louisiana in his time: "Allibamis, are likewise from West Florida, off Allibami River, and came to Red River about the same time of the Boluxas and Appalaches. Part of them have lived on Red River, about sixteen miles above the Bayau Rapide, till last year, when most of this party, of about thirty men, went up Red River, and have settled themselves near the Caddoques, where, I am informed, they last year made a good crop of corn. The Caddos are friendly to them, and have no objection to their settling there. They speak the Creek and Chactaw languages, and Mobilian; most of them French, and some of them English. There is another party of them, whose village is on a small creek, in Appelousa district, about thirty miles northwest from the church of Appelousa. They consist of about forty men. They have lived at the same place ever since they came from Florida; are said to be increasing a little in numbers, for a few years past. They raise corn, have horses, hogs, and cattle, and are harmless, quiet people."5 In August, 1777, William Bartram visited an Alabama village on the Mississippi 2 miles above the Manchac. He describes it as "delightfully situated on several swelling green hills, gradually ascending from the verge of the river." ' A friend accompanying him purchased some native baskets and pottery from the inhabitants. In 1784 Hutchins found them in about the same place.3 It will be noticed that Sibley does not mention a previous sojourn of either of the parties of Alabama described by him on the Mississippi River, and we are in the dark as to whether they had separated after coming into Louisiana or before. If they came separately it would seem most likely that the Opelousas band was the one settled on the Mississippi. This at any rate was in accordance with the belief of John Scott, the late chief of the Alabama now residing in Texas and the oldest person among them. He informed the writer in 1912 that the name of the old Alabama town on the Mississippi River was Aktcabehale. From there they moved to "Mikiwi'l" close to Opelousas, and from there to the Sabine River, where they formed a new town which received no special name. There was an Alabama village in Texas called Fenced-in-village a short distance west by south of a mill and former post office called Mobile, Tyler County, Texas. Next they settled in what is now Tyler County, Texas, at a town which they called Tak'o'sha-o'la ("Peach-tree Town"). This was about 2 miles due north of Chester or 20 miles north of Woodville, Texas. .Their next town was 3 miles from Peach-tree Town and contained a "big house" (i' sa tcuba) and a dance ground, but was unnamed. After a time the Alabama chief decided to move to Pat'ala'ka (said to mean "Cane place") where the Biloxi and Pascagoula lived, and some other Indians went with him. Part, however, returned to Louisiana, where they remained three years. At the end of that time they came back to Texas and formed a village which took its name from a white man, Jim Barclay. They moved from there to the village which they now occupy, which is called Big Sandy village from the name of a creek, although it took some time for the families scattered about in Texas to come in. According to some white informants the Alabama settled on Red River, moved to Big Sandy village, and perhaps both parties finally united there. A few families, however, still remain in Calcasieu and St. Landry Parishes, Louisiana. The language of all of the Texas Alabama is practically uniform, but the speech of some of the Tapasola clan is said to vary a little from the normal. The Alabama who had remained in their old country took a prominent part in the Creek war. Indeed Stiggins says that "they did more murder and other mischief in the time of their hostilities in the year 1813 than all the other tribes together."1 After the treaty of Fort Jackson, in 1814, by which all of the old Alabama land was ceded to the whites, the same writer says that part of them settled above the mouth of Cubahatche in a town called Towassee, while the rest moved to a place on Coosa River above Wetumpka. He states that the town belonging to this latter division was Otciapofa, but he is evidently mistaken, because Otciapofa has been pure Creek as far back as we have any knowledge of it. [Note: Still they may have occupied the site of Otciapofa for a time. This place and Little Tulsa were so close together that they were often confounded.] Perhaps the Coosa settlement was that called Autauga in the census of 1832, or it may have contained the Okchaiutci Indians, whose history will be given presently. I have suggested elsewhere that the names of these towns seem to show the part of the tribe which remained with the Creeks to have been the Tawasa. Speaking of the Alabama Indians in his time Stiggins says that, while their chiefs were admitted to the national councils on the same terms as the others, they seldom associated with the Creeks otherwise. After their removal the Alabama settled near the Canadian, but some years later went still farther west and located about the present town of Weleetka, Okla. A small station on the St. Louis-San Francisco Railroad just south of Weleetka bears their name. While a few of these Indians retain their old language if is rapidly giving place to Creek and English. They have the distinction of being the only non-Muskogee tribe incorporated with the Creeks, exclusive of the Yuchi, which still maintains a square ground. As already noted, one Alabama town received the name, Okchai utci, "Little Okchai," which suggests relationship with the Okchai people, but the origin of this the Indians explain as follows: "At one time the Alabama (probably only part of the tribe) had no square ground and asked the Okchai to take them into theirs. The Okchai said, "All right; you can seat yourself on the other side of my four backsticks and I will protect you." They did so, and for some time afterwards the two tribes busked together and played on the same side in ball games. Later on, however, a dispute arose in connection with one of these games and the Alabama separated, associating themselves with the Tukabahchee and hence with the opposite fire clan. Afterwards those Alabama formed a town which they called Okchaiutci, and to this day Okchaiutci is one of the names given the Alabama Indians in set speeches at the time of the busk. According to my informant, himself an Okchai Indian, the date of this separation was as late as 1872-73, but he must be much in error since we find Okchaiutci in existence long before the removal to Oklahoma. Okchaiutci appears first, apparently, in the census list of 1750, though the diminutive ending is not used. In 1761 the trader located there was William Trewin.1 It is not separately mentioned by Bartram nor certainly by Swan, but is probably intended by the town which he calls "Wacksoyochees." 2 Hawkins gives the following description: Hook-choie-oo-che, a pretty little compact town, between O-che-au-po-fau and Tus-kee-gee, on the left bank of Coosau; the houses join those of Tus-kee-gee; the land around the town is a high, poor level, with high-land ponds; the corn fields are on the left side of Tallapoosa, on rich low grounds, on a point called Sam-bul-loh, and below the mouth of the creek of that name which joins on the right side of the river. They have a good stock of hogs, and a few cattle and horses; they formerly lived on the right bank of Coosau, just above their present site, and removed lately, on account of the war with the Chickasaws. Their stock ranges on that side of the river ; they have fenced all the small fields about their houses, where they raise their peas and potatoes; their fields at Sam-bul-loh, are under a good fence; this was made by Mrs. Durant, the oldest sister of the late General McGillivray, for her own convenience."2 This town does not appear in the census list of 1832, unless it is one of the two Fishpond towns there given, "Fish Pond" and "Tholl thlo coe." After the removal to Oklahoma it is said to have maintained its separate square for a short time, and, as has been said, its name is retained as a busk designation of all the Alabama. (Swanton)

In the list of towns made out in 1761 in order to assign them to traders "Coosawtee [Kosati] including Tomhetaws" is enumerated as having 125 hunters, but is not assigned to anyone on account of its proximity to the French fort.4 (Swanton)

Shortly after this [1761] list was made out occurred the cession of Mobile to England and the movement of so many Indian tribes across the Mississippi. This occasioned the Koasati removal thus referred to by Adair: "Soon after West-Florida was ceded to Great Britain, two warlike towns of the Koo. a-sah te Indians removed from near the late dangerous Alabama French garrison to the Choktah country about twenty-five miles below Tombikbe—a strong wooden fortress, situated on the western side of a high and firm bank, overlooking a narrow deep point of the river of Mobille, and distant from that capital one hundred leagues. "The discerning old war chieftain of this remnant perceived that the proud Muskohge, instead of reforming their conduct towards us, by our mild remonstrances, grew only more impudent by our lenity; therefore being afraid of sharing the justly deserved fate of the others, he wisely withdrew to this situation; as the French could not possibly supply them, in case we had exerted ourselves, either in defence to our properties or in revenge of the blood they had shed. But they were soon forced to return to their former place of abode, on account of the partiality of some of them to their former confederates; which proved lucky in its consequences, to the traders, and our southern colonies: for, when three hundred warriors of the Muskohge were on their way to the Choktah to join them in a war against us, two Kooasahte horsemen, as allies, were allowed to pass through their ambuscade in the evening, and they gave notice of the impending danger. "These Kooasahte Indians annually sanctify the mulberries by a public oblation, before which they are not to be eaten; which, they say, is according to their ancient law."5 They were accompanied in this movement by some Alabama of Okchaiutci, and apparently by the Tamahita. (Swanton)

THE MUKLASA Still another town in this [Tombigbee River] neighborhood not speaking Muskogee was Muklasa. The name means "friends" or "people of one nation" in Alabama, Koasati, or Choctaw, therefore it is probable that the town was Alabama or Koasati, the Choctaw being at a considerable distance. According to the list of 1761 it was then estimated to contain 30 hunters. William Trewin and James Germany were the traders.1 In 1797 the trader was Michael Elhart, "an industrious, honest man; a Dutchman."4 Bartram visited it in 1777,5 and in 1799 Hawkins gives the following account of it: "Mook-lau-sau is a small town one mile below Sau-va-noo-gee, on the left bank of a fine little creek, and bordering on a cypress swamp; their fields are below those of Sau-va-no-gee, bordering on the river; they have some lots about their houses fenced for potatoes; one chief has some cattle, horses, and hogs; a few others have some cattle and hogs. In the season of floods the river spreads out on this side below the town, nearly eight miles from bank to bank, and is very destructive to game and stock."8 After the Creek war we are informed that the Muklasa emigrated to Florida in a body. At all events we do not hear of them again, and the Creeks in Oklahoma have forgotten that such a town ever existed. Gatschet says "a town of that name is in the Indian Territory,"7 but nobody could give the present writer any information regarding it. (Swanton)

In the census list of 1761 they were assigned to John Rae as trader.1 In January, 1778, Bartram passed this town, which he calls "Usseta," and he says that it joined Chiaha, but that the two spoke radically different languages.2 The traders located there in 1797 were Thomas Carr and John Anthony Sandoval, the latter a Spaniard.3 ...Hawkins description from 1799 ...Another description of Kasihta is given by Hodgson, an English missionary who passed through the Creek country in 1820. He says: "It [Note: Kasihta; Hodgson spells the name Cosito.]2 appeared to consist of about 100 houses, many of them elevated on poles from two to six feet high, and built of unhewn logs, with roofs of bark, and little patches of Indian corn before the doors. The women were hard at work, digging the ground, pounding Indian corn, or carrying heavy loads of water from the river: the men were either setting out to the woods with their guns or lying idle before the doors; and the children were amusing themselves in little groups. The whole scene reminded me strongly of some of the African towns described by Mungo Park. In the centre of the town we passed a large building, with a conical roof, supported by a circular wall about three feet high; close to it was a quadrangular space, enclosed by four open buildings, with rows of benches rising above one another; the whole was appropriated, we were informed, to the Great Council of the town, who meet under shelter or in the open air, according to the weather. Near the spot was a high pole, like our may-poles, with a bird at the top, round which the Indians celebrate their Green-Corn Dance. The town or township of Cosito is said to be able to muster 700 warriors, while the number belonging to the whole nation is not estimated at more than 3,500."1 Seven separate Kasihta settlements are enumerated in the census of 1832, as follows: "On little Euchee Creek, 211, besides 105 slaves; on Tolarnulkar Hatchee, 486, and 4 slaves; on Opillikee Hatchee, Tallassee town, 171; on Chowwokolohatchec, 118; at Secharlitcha ["under black-jack trees"], 214; on Osenubba Hatchee, or Tuckabatchee Harjo's town, 269, and 8 slaves; near West Point, or Tuskehenehaw Chooley's town, 399; total, 1,868 Indians and 117 slaves.2 The principal chiefs and their households are omitted from the enumeration. Gatschet mentions another branch called "Tusilgis tco'ko or clapboard house." [Note: Marginal note in Creek Mig. Leg., i, MS] After their removal they settled in the northern part of the Creek Nation in the west with the other Lower Creeks, where their descendants for the most part still are. (Swanton)

In 1761 they had 130 hunters and their trader was George Galpin.8 In 1797 Hawkins gives the names of five traders, Thomas Marshall, John Tarvin, James Darouzeaux, Hardy Read, and Christian Russel, the last a Silesian.1 Adair enumerates Coweta as one of the six principal towns of the Muskogee confederacy but does not mention Kasihta.2 Hawkins furnishes the following accounts of Coweta, Coweta Tallahassee, and a branch of the latter known as Wetumpka, as they appeared in 1799: "Cow-e-tuh, on the right bank of Chat-to-ho-che, three miles below the falls, on a flat extending back one mile. The land is fine for corn; the settlements extend up the river for two miles on the river flats. These are bordered with broken pine land; the fields of the settlers who reside in the town, are on a point of land formed by a bend of the river, a part of them adjoining the point, are low, then a rise of fifteen feet, spreading back for half a mile, then another rise of fifteen feet, and flat a half mile to a swamp adjoining the highlands; the fields are below the town. The river is one hundred and twenty yards wide, with a deep steady current from the fall; these are over a rough coarse rock, forming some islands of rock, which force the water into two narrow channels, in time of low water. One is on each side of the river, in the whole about ninety feet wide; that on the right is sixty feet wide, with a perpendicular fall of twelve feet; the other of thirty feet wide, is a long sloping curve very rapid, the fall fifteen feet in one hundred and fifty feet; "fish may ascend in this channel, but it is too swift and strong for boats; here are two fisheries; one on the right belongs to this town; that on the left, to the Cussetuhs; they are at the termination of the falls; and the fish are taken with scoop nets; the fish taken are the hickory shad, rock, trout, perch, catfish, and suckers; there is sturgeon in the river, but no white shad or herring; during spring and summer, they catch the perch and rock with hooks. As soon as the fish make their appearance, the chiefs send out the women, and make them fish for the square. This expression includes all the chiefs and warriors of the town. "The land on the right bank of the river at the falls is a poor pine barren, to the water's edge; the pines are small; the falls continue three or four miles nearly of the same width, about one hundred and twenty yards; the river then expands to thrice that width, the bottom being gravelly, shoal and rocky. There are several small islands within this scope; one at the part where the expansion commences is rich and some part of it under cultivation; it is half a mile in length, but narrow; here the river is fordable: enter the left bank one hundred yards above the upper end of the island and cross over to it, and down to the fields, thence across the other channel; at the termination of the falls, a creek twanty feet wide, (O-cow-ocuh-hat-che, falls creek), joins the right side of the river. Just below this creek, and above the last reef of rocks, is another ford. The current is rapid, and the bottom even. "On the left bank of the river at the falls, the land is level; and in approaching them one is surprised to find them where there is no alteration in the trees or unevenness of land. This level continues back one mile to the poor pine barren, and is fine for corn or cotton; the timber is red oak, hickory, and pine; the banks of the river on this side below the falls are fifty feet high, and continue so, down below the town house; the flat of good land continues still lower to Hat-che thluc-co (big creek). Ascending the river on this bank, above the falls, the following stages are noted in miles: "2-1/2 miles, the flat land terminates; thence 3-1/2 miles, to Chis-ae Hul-cuh running to the left; thence 4 miles, to Chusse thluc-co twenty feet wide, a rocky bottom. "5 miles to Ke-ta-le, thirty feet wide, a bold, shoally rocky creek, abounding in moss. "Four miles up this creek there is a village of ten families at Ilat-che Uxau (head of a creek). The land is broken with hickory, pin, and chestnut; there is cane on the borders of the creek and reed on the branches; there are some settlements of Cowetuh people made on these creeks; all who have settled out from the town have fenced their fields and begin to be attentive to their stock. "The town has a temporary fence of three poles, the first on forks, the other two on stakes, good against cattle only; the town fields are fenced in like manner; a few of the neighboring fields, detached from the town, have good fences; the temporary, three pole fences of the town are made every spring, or repaired in a slovenly manner. "Cow-e-tuh Tal-lau-has-see; from Cow-e-tuh, Tal-lo-fau, a town, and hasse, old. It is two and a half miles below Cowetuh, on the right bank of the river. In going down the path between the two towns, in half a mile cross Kotes-ke-le-jau, ten feet wide, running to the left is a fine little creek sufficiently large for a mill, in all but the dry seasons. On the right bank enter the flatlands between the towns. These are good, with oak, hard-shelled hickory and pine: they extend two miles to Che-luc-in-ti-getuh, a small creek five feet wide, bordering on the town. The town is half a mile from the river, on the right bank of the creek; it is on a high flat, bordered on the east by the flats of the river, and west by high broken hills; they have but a few settlers in the town; the fields are on a point of land three-quarters of a mile below the town, which is very rich and has been long under cultivation; they have no fence around their fields. "Here is the public establishment for the Lower Creeks, and here the agent resides. He has a garden well cultivated and planted, with a great variety of vegetables, fruits, and vines, and an orchard of peach trees. Arrangements have been made to fence two hundred acres of land fit for cultivation, and to introduce a regular husbandry to serve as a model and stimulus, for the neighborhood towns who crowd the public shops here, at all seasons, when the hunters are not in the woods. "The agent entertains doubts, already, of succeeding here in establishing a regular husbandry, from the difficulty of changing the old habits of indolence, and sitting daily in the squares, which seem peculiarly attractive to the residenters of the towns. In the event of not succeeding, he intends to move the establishment out from the town, and aid the villagers where success seems to be infallible. "They estimate their number of gun men at one hundred; but the agent has ascertained, by actual enumeration, that they have but sixty-six, including all who reside here, and in the villages belonging to the town. "They have a fine body of land below, and adjoining the town, nearly two thousand acres, all well timbered; and including the whole above and below, they have more than is sufficient for the accommodation of the whole town; they have one village belonging to the town, We-tumcau. "We-tum-cau; from We-wau, water; and tum-cau, rumbling. It is on the main branch of U-chee creek and is twelve miles northwest from the town. These people have a small town house on a poor pine ridge on the left bank of the creek below the falls; the settlers extend up the creek for three miles, and they cultivate the rich bends in the creek; there is cane on the creek and fine reed on its branches; the land higher up the creek, and on its branches is waving, with pine, oak, and hickory, fine for cultivation, on the flats and out from the branches; the range is good for stock, and some of the settlers have cattle and hogs, and begin to be attentive to them; they have been advised to spread out their settlements on the waters of this creek, and to increase their attention to stock of every kind."1 The trader in 1797 was James Lovet.2 Wetumpka is probably the Wituncara of the Popple map (pl. 4). The census of 1832 enumerated five bands of Coweta Indians, as follows: Koochkalecha town, 276 besides 12 slaves; on Toosilkstorkoo Hatchee, 85 and 15 slaves; on Warkooche Hatchee, 30; on Hallewokke Yoaxarhatchee, 191; at Cho-lose-parp Kar, or Kotchar, Tus-tun-nuckee's town, 275 and 24 slaves; total 857 Indians and 51 slaves.1 Chiefs' families are not included. The inferiority of this town in numbers to Kasihta was perhaps due to the fact that it had given off another settlement which afterwards constituted an independent town with its own busk ground. This was Likatcka, or " Broken Arrow" as the name has been rudely translated into English. It is said to have been founded by some families who went off by themselves to a place where they could break reeds with which to make arrows. According to William Berryhill, an old Coweta, however, it was not so much on account of the place where they had settled as because they considered themselves to have "broken away" from the parent band in much the same manner as a reed is broken. This town is said to have been situated on a trail and ford 12 miles below Kasihta. It appears to be noted first by Swan (1791). 3 Hawkins in his Sketch of the Creek Country does not speak of it, but in a journal dated 1797 says that the people of Coweta Tallahassee had come from it.3 In the American State Papers 4 he mentions it as having been destroyed in 1814, but it was soon restored, for it was represented at the treaty of November 15, 1827,5 and in the census of 1832. In this latter five settlements belonging to the town are enumerated, but it is probable that only the first two of these are correctly designated. One of these latter was on Uchee Creek; the situation of the other is not specified. Together they numbered 418 inhabitants, not counting slaves and free negroes.8 Coweta and its chief, McIntosh, played a conspicuous part in the removal of the Creek Indians to the west. McIntosh was the leader of that party which favored removal and was killed by the conservative element in consequence. After the emigration Coweta and its branches settled in the northern part of the new country on the Arkansas, where most of their descendants still live. Their square ground was first located about 2 miles west of the present town of Coweta. After that site was fenced in and plowed up they moved it to some low-lying land close to Coweta, and later busks of a rather irregular character were held in other places, but the observance soon died out. Nevertheless the busk medicines are, or until recently were, still taken in an informal manner by the Coweta men four times a year, corresponding to the times of the three "stomp" dances and the busk. According to one informant, shortly before the Civil War, Coweta, Kasihta, Tukabahchee, and Yuchi planned to come together in one big town, but the war put an end to the project. In late times the Coweta and Chiaha were such close friends that it is said "a man of one town would not whip a dog belonging to the other." This friendship also extended to the Osochi. (Swanton)

In 1761 James McQueen and T. Perryman were officially recognized traders at this town [Tukabahchee], "including Pea Creek and other Plantations, Chactaw Hatchee Euchees, &c." 8 In 1797 the traders there were Christopher Heickle, a German, and Obadiah Lowe.9 Bartram10 and Swan" mention it, and Hawkins gives the following description of the town as it existed in 1799: "Took-au-bat-che. The ancient name of this town is Is-po-eo-gee; its derivation uncertain; it is situated on the right bank of the Tallapoosa, opposite the junction of Eu-fau-be, two and a half miles below the falls of the river, on a beautiful level. The course of the river from the falls to the town is south; it then turns east three-quarters of a mile, and short round a point opposite Eu-fau-be, thence west and west-by-north to its confluence with Coosau, about thirty miles. It is one hundred [Note: The Lib. Cong. MS. has "120"] yards wide opposite the town house to the south, and here are two good fords during the summer [Note: The town house was opposite the mouth of the Eu-fau-be.], one just below the point of a small island, the other one hundred yards still lower. "The water of the falls, after tumbling over a bed of rock for half a mile, is forced into two channels; one thirty, the other fifteen feet wide. The fall is forty feet in fifty yards. The channel on the right side, which is the widest, falls nearly twenty feet in ten feet. The fish are obstructed here in their attempts to ascend the river. From appearances, they might be easily taken in the season of the ascending the rivers, but no attempts have hitherto been made to do so. "The rock is a light gray, very much divided in square blocks of various sizes for building. It requires very little labor to reduce it to form, for plain walls. Large masses of it are so nicely fitted, and so regular, as to imitate the wall of an ancient building, where the stone had passed through the hands of a mason. The quantity of this description at the falls and in the hill sides adjoining them, is great; sufficient for the building of a large city. "The falls above spread out, and the river widens to half a mile within that distance and continues that width for four miles. Within this scope are four islands, which were formerly cultivated, but are now old fields margined with cane. The bed of the river is here rocky, shoally, and covered with moss. It is frequented in summer by cattle, horses, and deer; and in the winter, by swans, geese, and ducks. On the right bank opposite the falls, the land is broken, stony, and gravelly. The hill sides fronting the river, exhibit this building rock. The timber is post oak, hickory, and pine, all small. From the hills the land spreads off level. The narrow flat margin between the hills and the river is convenient for a canal for mills on an extensive scale, and to supply a large extent of flat land around the town with water. "Below the falls a small distance, there is a spring and branch, and within five hundred yards a small creek; thence within half a mile the land becomes level and spreads out on this side two miles, including the flats of Wol-lau-hat-che, a creek ten feet wide which rises seventeen miles from its junction with the river, in the high pine forest, and running south-southeast enters the river three miles below the town house. The whole of this flat, between the creek and the river, bordering on the town, is covered with oak and the small hard shelled hickory. The trees are all small; the land is light, and fine for corn, cotton, or melons. The creek has a little cane on its margins and reed on the small branches; but the range is much exhausted by the stock of the town. "On the left bank of the river, at the falls, the land is broken pine forest. Half a mile below there is a small creek which has its source seven miles from the river, its margins covered with reed or cane. Below the creek the land becomes flat, and continues so to Talesee on the Eu-fau-bee, and half a mile still lower, to the hills between this creek and Ca-le-be-hat-che. The hills extend nearly two miles, are intersected by one small creek and two branches, and terminate on the river in two high bluffs; from whence is an extensive view of the town, the river, the flat lands on the opposite shorn and the range of hills to the northwest; near one of the bluffs there is a fine spring, and near it a beautiful elevated situation for a settlement. The hills are bounded to the west by a small branch. Below this, the flat land spreads out for one mile. It is a quarter of a mile from the branch on this flat to the residence of Mr. Cornells (Oche Haujo [Hickory Hadjo]), thence half a mile to the public establishment, thence two miles to the mouth of Ca-le-be-hat-che. This creek has its source thirty miles to the east in waving, post oak, hickory, and pine land; in some places the swamp is wide, the beach and white oak large, with poplar, cypress, red bay, sassafras, Florida magnolia, and white pine. Broken piny woods and reedy branches on its right side, oak flats, red and post oak, willow leaved hickory, long" and short leaf pine, and reedy branches on its left side. The creek at its mouth is twenty-five feet wide. The flat between it and the river is fine for corn, cotton, and melons, oak, hickory, and shortleaf pine. From this flat to its source, it is margined with cane, reed, and palmetto. Ten miles up the creek, between it and Kebihatche, the next creek below and parallel with this, are some licks in post and red oak saplin flats; the range on these creeks is apparently fine for cattle; yet from the want of salt or moss, the large ones appear poor in the fall, while other cattle, where moss is to be had, or they are regularly salted, are fat. "They have 116 gun men belonging to this town; they were formerly more numerous, but they have been unfortunate in their wars. In the last they had with the Chickasaws they lost thirty-five gun men; they have begun to settle out in villages for the conveniency of stock raising and having firewood; the stock which frequent the mossy shoals above the town, look well and appear healthy; the Indians begin to be attentive to them, and are increasing them by all the means in their power. Several of them have from fifty to one hundred, and the town furnished seventy good beef cattle in 1799. "One chief, Toolk-au-bat-che Ilaujo [Tukaba'tci Iladjo], has five hundred, and although apparently very indigent, he never sells any; while he seems to deny himself the comforts of life, he gives continued proofs of unbounded hospitality; he seldom kills less than two large beeves a fortnight for his friends and acquaintances. "The town is on the decline. Its appearance proves the inattention of the inhabitants. It is badly fenced; thay have but a few plum trees and several clumps of cassine yupon; the land is much exhausted with continued culture, and the wood for fuel is at a great and inconvenient distance, unless boats or land carriages were in use, it could then be easily supplied; the river is navigable for boats drawing two and a half feet in the dry season from just above the town to Alabama. From the point just above the town to the falls, the river spreads over a bed of flat rock in several places, where the depth of water is something less than two feet. "This is the residence of Efau Haujo [Dog Hadjo], one of the great medal chiefs, the speaker for the nation at the national council. He is one of the best informed men of the land, faithful to his national engagements. He has five black slaves and a stock of cattle and horses; but they are of little use to him; the ancient habits instilled in him by French and British agents, that the red chiefs are to live on presents from their white friends, is so rivited, that he claims it as a tribute due to him, and one that never ¦must be dispensed with. "At the public establishment there is a smith's shop, a dwelling house and kitchen built of logs, and a field well fenced. And it is in the contemplation of the agent to have a public garden and nursery. The assistant and interpreter, Mr. [Alexander] Cornells (Oche Haujo [Hickory Hadjo]), one of the chiefs of the Creek Natlon, has a farm well fenced and cultivated with the plough. He is a half-breed, of a strong mind, and fulfills the duties enjoined on him by his appointment, with zeal and fidelity. He has nine negroes under good government. Some of his family have good farms, and one of them, Zachariah McGive is a careful, snug farmer, has good fences, a fine young orchard, and a stock of hogs, horses, and cattle. His wife has the neatness and economy of a white woman. This family and Sullivan's, in the neighborhood, are spinning."1 Hawkins mentions a village belonging to Tukabahchee called Wehuarthly [Wl hili] (sweet water) from a little creek of that name near which it stood.1 Tecumseh held most of his councils with the Creeks in this town. The name appears in the census of 1832 2 and often in later history. After the removal the Tukabahchee settled in the southeastern corner of their new territory, but later drifted westward, following the game, and at the present time their square ground is just north of Holdenville. This is still the most populous town in the nation and has the largest square. (Swanton)

In the census taken in 1761 we find the "Choctaw Hatchee Euchees" included with the Tukabahchee and "Pea Creek and other plantations" under the traders James McQueen and T. Perryman,5 and these are probably the Yuchi of the French census of the same period located close to the Tukabahchee and said to number 15 men.8 We are to infer from this that they had then settled among the Upper Creeks. Their possible connection with the Yuchi reported by Hawkins to have united with the Shawnee on Tallapooja River has already been mentioned.7 We hear nothing more about them from this time on, but their name is preserved in Euchee anna, a village in Walton County, Florida. (Swanton)

Their name [Yuchi] is mentioned by Romans when enumerating the Creek tribes,4 and their town is probably the Chisketaloofa of the census of 1761, which had 30 hunters and was assigned, along with Weupkees (Okitiyagana), to the traders Macartan and Campbell.5 Morse enumerates "Cheskitalowas" among the Seminole villages.8 The name Chiska also appears in much later documents associated with a point near the lower Chattahoochee. In a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury transmitting copies of the report of the Commissioners of Land Claims in East and West Florida, February 22, 1825 (pub., Washington, 1825), Cheeskatalofa is mentioned as a town in which a meeting was held (p. 18). But while the name preserved a memory of them, the greater part of the Yuchi had probably moved even before 1761, since we know that their Shawnee friends had already done so. For a conjecture as to their subsequent fortunes see my discussion of the Tamahita, pages 188-191. (Swanton)

Besides the towns above enumerated one or two additional Chickasaw settlements are to be mentioned. Adair speaks of a town occupied by them "in the upper or most western part of the Muskohge country, about 300 miles eastward of their own nation," which was known as "Ooe-asa," the latter half of the word evidently from Chickasaw ansha, to settle, to stay [Note: Halbert interprets it very plansihly as wiha aisha, "home of emigrants," and identifies it with the Breed Camp mentioned in the census of 1761, perhaps because the Chickasaw Indians are known to have been called "the breed."]. This can not have lasted long, as we find David Taitt, in a letter written at Tukabachee, March 16, 1772, saying: "About Thirteen Chickasaws were at the Abieouchies lately wanting to settle in this Nation: the Head man of the Town gave them leave to settle the Ground they formerly possessed on Condition of their Continuing in this Land, they returned to their own lands and it is uncertain whether they come back."2 The settlement must have been attempted, however, because 11 days later he met the very same number of Chickasaw in the Natchez town, and he says of them: "These Chickasaws are making a Settlement on the side of a Creek called Caimulga, about 15 miles north from this, and falling into the Coosa River at the Chickasaw Trading path, about a mile above Clamahumgey."2 As a "Kiamulgatown " appears in the roll of towns taken just before the removal it is possible that these Chickasaw continued to occupy it until then, but it is more likely that they had been displaced by Creeks, or perhaps Shawnee.4 (Swanton)

In 1761 Yamasee numbering 20 men were reported living near St. Augustine,8 but we know that several bodies were settled elsewhere. Some of them constituted the village of Yamacraw with which Oglethorpe had to deal. In Adair's time a few were with the Catawba.' In 1821 the "Emusas" on Chattahoochee River, whom I believe to have been descendants of the Yamasee, numbered 20 souls.2 (Swanton)

In 1763 all Spanish and French possessions east of the Mississippi passed under the government of Great Britain. This change was not at all to the liking of most of the small tribes settled about Mobile Bay, and a letter of M. d'Abbadie, governor of Louisiana, dated April 10, 1764, informs us that the Taensas, Apalachee and the Pakana tribe of the Creeks had already come over to Red River in his province, or were about to do so.3 We know that such a movement did actually take place. Probably the emigrant Apalachee included both the Mobile and the Pensacola bands. Sibley, in his "Historical sketches of several Indian Tribes in Louisiana, south of the Arkansas River, and between the Mississippi and River Grand," written in 1806, has the following to say regarding this tribe : Appalaches, are likewise emigrants from West Florida, from off the river whose name they bear; came over to Red River about the same time the Boluxas did, and have, ever since, lived on the river, above Bayau Rapide. No nation have been more highly esteemed by the French inhabitants; no complaints against them are ever heard; there are only fourteen men remaining; have their own language, but speak French and Mobilian."4 From the papers on public lands among the American State Papers we know that they and the Taensa Indians settled together on a strip of land on Red River between Bayou d'Arro and Bayou Jean de Jean. This land was sold in 1803 to Miller and Fulton, but only a portion of it was allowed them by the United States commissioners in 1812 on the ground that the sale had not been agreed to by the Apalachee.5 Nevertheless it is probable that the Apalachee did not remain in possession of their lands for a much longer period, though they appear to have lived in the same general region and to have died out there or gradually lost their identity. At the present time there are said to be two or three persons of Apalachee blood still living in Louisiana, but they have forgotten their language and of course all of their aboriginal culture. (Swanton)

The Tohome and Naniaba come to the surface still later in a French document dated some time before the cession of Mobile to Great Britain (1763)3 and in a list of Choctaw towns and chiefs compiled by the English, 1771-72.' It is probable that the languages spoken by them were so close to Choctaw that they afterwards passed as Choctaw and, mingling with the true Choctaw, in time forgot their own original separateness. And this probability is strengthened by a Choctaw census made by Regis du Roullet, a French officer, in 1730, who classes the Tohome, Naniaba, and some Indians "aux mobiliens" as "Choctaw established on the river of Mobile." 4

Romans states that in 1763, the year when Florida passed from Spanish to British control, the last of the Calusa people, consisting of 80 families, crossed to Havana.5 Not all of the Calusa left the country, however, and indeed the emigrants may have been Tekesta and other occupants of the eastern shore, who were always rather better inclined toward the Spanish Government than were the Calusa. Until recently this fate of the old Florida tribes was remembered by some of the oldest Creek Indians.1 Possibly the Calusa may have emigrated in the year mentioned and returned with the return of the Spaniards 20 years later, but it is improbable that southern Florida was ever entirely abandoned. At any rate some of these people were in occupancy of the territory about Charlotte Harbor and the Caloosahatchie River in the period of the Seminole war. They took no part in this contest during its earlier stages. They made no treaties with the Americans and at no time agreed to remove to the west. Comparatively unnoticed, they remained in their old haunts, carrying on a considerable commerce with Havana, and looking to that city as their trading point. Williams describes their condition in the first half of the 19th century as follows: "The inhabitants of several large settlements around the Caximba Inlet, the heads of the Hujelos, St. Mary's, and other southern streams, never appeared at the agency to draw annuities, but lived by cultivating their fields, hunting, trading at the Spanish ranchos, bartering skins, mocking birds, and pet squirrels, for guns, ammunition and clothing, and sometimes assisting in the fisheries. This race of Indians would have remained peaceable to this day had not an order been issued from the agency requiring them all to remove. They never agreed to remove, either personally or by their representatives; and they were easily excited to fight rather than leave the homes of their ancestors. Their knowledge of the country and their long connection with the Spanish traders and fishermen afforded perfect facilities for supplying the Seminoles with arms and munitions of war, and those facilities are at this time improved to our great injury."2 They were first seriously disturbed when the Seminole, hard pressed in their seats near the center of the State, moved southward into the Everglades. There they intrenched themselves and induced tho Calusa, or "Spanish Indians," as they are called in the documents of the time, to take up arms in their interest. In 1839 Colonel Harney had gone to Charlotte Harbor to establish a trading post for the Indians, when his camp, consisting of 30 men, was attacked by 250 Indians and 18 were killed.3 In retaliation for this injury Colonel Harney fell upon the Spanish Indians, under their chief Chekika, July 23, 1839, killed Chekika and hung six of his followers.4 Tho next year Doctor Perrine, a botanist living on Indian Key, who was devoting himself to the culture of tropical plants, was killed by Chekika 's band. This happened on the 7th of May, 1840.5 Other dopredations were also committed by them. If they are the Florida "Choctaw," as I have supposod, we can trace them down to 1847 when "four Choctaw warriors" are enumerated in the peninsula.1 In 1850 seventy-six more Seminole were sont west,1 but we do not know whether the remnant in question was among them or remained in its ancient home. The latter would be the more likely supposition, but the reverse is indicated by an old Seminole Indian in Oklahoma, who declared that he knew of these Florida Choctaw, asserting that one youth descended from them is still living among the Seminole of Oklahoma. He added that when the Seminole reached Fort Smith during their removal west the Choctaw who were with them wanted to remain with the Choctaw who had emigrated from Mississippi, but the Indian agent would not allow it. He knew nothing regarding the origin of this band of Choctaw, but thought they had emigrated to Florida from Mississippi about the time when the other Seminole settled there. (Swanton)

In a letter on Indian affairs, dated Pensacola, December 1, 1764, is an estimate of the Indian population in the Gulf region, and among the entries, we read, "Beloxies, Chactoes, Capinas, Panchaculas [Pensacolas], Washaws, Chawasaws, Pascagulas, 251." * It is therefore probable that a remnant of the tribe continued a precarious existence, probably in close alliance with some larger one, for a long time after it was supposed to be extinct. This would be quite in line with what we find in the case of so many other small tribes. (Swanton)

In 1796 the trader in this town was Joseph Stiggins, as above noted; in 1797 the traders were "James Quarls," who had "the character of an honest man," and "Thomas Wilson, a saddler." It is not generally known that John Stuart, Indian agent under the British Government, at one time formulated a proposition to restore these Indians to their old home near Natchez, Mississippi. His suggestion is outlined in a letter dated December 2, 1766, in the following terms: "This consideration [that the Choctaw might at any time obstruct the navigation of the Mississippi] suggested to me the advantage which might arise to His Majesty's Service from collecting the Scatter 'd Remains of the Natchez and giving them a Settlement in their own Country again. There may be from 150 to 200 Gun Men of them remaining, in the Cherokee, Creek, and Chickasaw Nations; they still retain their Language and Customs, as well as the strongest Resentment for the Expulsion and in a great Measure the Destruction of their Nation by the French.4 (Swanton)

Replying to a speech of John Stuart, the British Indian agent, delivered in the Chiaha Square, September 18, 1768, a Lower Creek speaker says: "There are four head men of us have signed our Names in the presence of the whole lower Creeks as you will see: Two of us out of the Pallachicolas which is reckoned the Head Town of upper & lower Creeks and two out of the Cussitaw Town, which are friend Towns, which two towns stand for in behalf of the upper and lower Creeks." It is probable that this speaker wishes to exaggerate the representative character of the chiefs of these two towns, but the important position assigned to Apalachicola was not a mere invention on his part. Ten years later we find John Stuart writing, without the same bias as that which the speaker quoted above may be supposed to have had, that this town "is considered as the Mother & Governing Town of the whole Nation." ' It is quite probable, as we shall see later, that it was a tribe of considerable size, often scattered among several settlements. In spite of the resemblance which its name bears to that of the Apalachee I am inclined to think that there was only a remote relationship between the two peoples, although the meanings of the two words may have been something alike. The ending of the name resembles okli, the Hitchiti word for "people." Judge G. W. Stidham told Dr. Gatschet that he had heard the name was derived from the ridge of earth around the edge of the square ground made in sweeping it.3 In recent times Apalachicola has always been classed by the Creeks as a Hitchiti-speaking town, while the fragment of Apalachee that has come down to us shows that language to have been an independent dialect. According to Creek legend the Apalachicola were found in possession of southwestern Georgia when the Muskogee invaded that section.2

In 1771 Romans passed their deserted fields on the Tombigbee, which he places 3 miles below the mouth of Sucarnochee River.0 Not many years later the lure of the west moved them again and a portion migrated into Louisiana. Sibley would place this event about 1795, and this agrees well with Hawkins's statement that they had left shortly before his time. Stiggins is still more specific. He says: "About the year seventeen hundred and ninety-three there was an old Cowassada chieftain that was called Red Shoes, who was violently opposed to their makeing war on the Chickasaws, and as it was determined on contrary to his will he resolved to quit the nation, so he and a mulatto man who resided with the Alabamas named Billy Ashe headed a party of about twenty families, part Cowasadas and the rest Alabamas, and removed to the Red River and tried a settlement about sixty miles up from its mouth, but on trial they were so annoyed and infested by a small red ant that were so very numerous in that country, that they found it hardly possible to put any thing beyond their reach or destruction, so after living there a few years they removed finally from thence to the province of Texas, on the river Trinity, a few miles from the mouth of said river, where they now live."2 Hawkins thus describes the town occupied by those of the tribe who remained in their old territory as it existed in 1799: "Coo-sau-dee is a compact little town situated three miles below the confluence of Coosau and Tallapoosa, on the right bank of Alabama; they have fields on both sides of the river; but their chief dependence is a high, rich island, at the mouth of Coosau. They have some fences, good against cattle only, and some families have small patches fenced, near the town, for potatoes. These Indians are not Creeks, although they conform to their ceremonies; the men work with the women and make great plenty of corn; all labor is done by the joint lalx'r of all, called public work, except gathering in the crop. During the season for labor, none are exempted from their share of it, or suffered to go out hunting. "There is a rich flat of land nearly five miles in width, opposite the town, on the left side of the river, on which are numbers of conic mounds of earth. Back of the town it-is pine barren, and continues so westward for sixty to one hundred miles. The Coo-sau-dee generally go to market [Note: The Lib. of Cong. MS. has " to Mobile " inserted here.] by water, and some of them are good oarsmen. A part of this town moved lately beyond the Mississippi, and have settled there. The description sent back by them that the country is rich and healthy, and abounds in game, is likely to draw others after them. But as they have all tasted the sweets of civil life, in having a convenient market for their products, it is likely they will soon return to their old settlements, which are in a very desirable country well suited to the raising of cattle, hogs and horses; they have a few hogs, and seventy or eighty cattle, and some horses. It is not more than three years since they had not a hog among them. Robert Walton,[Note: He was trader there in 1797 when Hawkins describes him as "an active man, more attentive to his character now than heretofore." He also gives the names of two other traders, "Francis Tuzant, an idie Frenchman in debt to Mr. Panton and to the factory," and "John McLeod of bad character."] who was then the trader of the town, gave the women some pigs, and this is the origin of their stock."5 In 1832 eighty-two Koasati were enumerated in the old nation.6 After their emigration west of the Mississippi they formed two towns—Koasati No. 1 and Koasati No. 2. But few now remain there who can speak the language. Some of these still remember that a part went to Texas. Stiggins's account above given of the Koasati migration to Louisiana and Texas seems to be considerably abbreviated. There were probably several distinct movements, or at least the tribe split into several distinct bands from time to time. It is very likely that, as in the case of so many other tribes, the Koasati first settled on Red River, but that part of them soon left it. Sibley's account of their movements in Louisiana is more detailed than that of Stiggins. He says: "Conchattas are almost the same people as the Allibamis, but came over only ten years ago; first lived on Bayau Chico, in Appelousa district, but, four years ago, moved to the river Sabine, settled themselves on the east bank, where they now live, in nearly a south direction from Natchitoch, and distant about eighty miles. They call their number of men one hundred and sixty, but say, if they were altogether, they would amount to two hundred. Several families of them live in detached settlements. They are good hunters, and game is plenty about where they are. A few days ago, a small party of them were here,[Note: He is writing from the post of Natchitoches.] consisting of fifteen persons, men, women, and children, who were on their return from a bear hunt up Sabine. They told me they had killed one hundred and eighteen; but this year an uncommon number of bears have come down. One man alone, on Sabine, during the Summer and Fall, hunting, killed four hundred deer, sold his skins at forty dollars a hundred. The bears, this year, are not so fat as common; they usually yield from eight to twelve gallons of oil, each of which never sells for less than a dollar a gallon, and the skin a dollar more; no great quantity of the meat is saved; what the hunters don't use when out, they generally give to their dogs. The Conchattas are friendly with all other Indians, and speak well of their neighlwrs the Carankouas, who, they say, live alxmt eighty miles south of them, on the bay, which I believe, is the nearest point to the sea from Natchitoches. A few families of Chactaws have lately settled near them from Bayau Beauf. The Conchattas speak Creek, which is their native language, and Chactaw, and several of them English, and one or two of them can read it a little."2 They may have been on Red River previous to their settlement on Bayou Chicot. Schermerhorn3 states that in 1812 the Koasati on the Sabine numbered 600, but most of these must have left before 1822, because Morse in his report of that year estimates 50 Koasati on the Neches River in Texas and 240 on the Trinity, while 350 are set down as living on the Red River in Louisiana.4 These last are elsewhere referred to as a band which had obtained permission from the Caddo to locate near them. Whether they were part of the original settlers from lower down the river or had moved over from the Sabine is not apparent. By 1850 most of these had gone to Texas, where Bollaert estimated that the number of their warriors then on the lower Trinity was 500 in two villages called ColGte and Batista.5 All of the Koasati did not leave Louisiana at that time, however, a considerable body continuing to occupy the wooded country in Calcasieu and St. Landry Parishes. Later the two Texas villages were reduced to one, which in turn broke up, probably on account of a pestilence, part uniting with the Alabama in Polk County, but the greater part returning to Louisiana to join their kindred there. At the present time about 10 are still living with the Alabama. Those in Louisiana are more numerous, counting between 80 and 90, and here is the only spot where the tribe still maintains itself as a distinct people. Their village is in the pine woods about 7 miles northeast of Kinder, Allen Parish, La., and 2.5 miles north of a flag station called Lauderdale on the Frisco Railroad. Elsewhere very few of this tribe are now to be found who speak pure Koasati uncorrupted by either Creek or Alabama. A band of Koasati probably joined the Seminole, since we find a place marked "Coosada Old Town" on the middle course of Choctawhatchee River in Vignoles's map of Florida, dated 1823. Associated with the Koasati we find an Upper Creek town called Wetumpka, which means in Muskogee "tumbling or falling water." It must not be confounded with a Lower Creek settlement of the same name, an outvillage of Coweta Tallahassee. It is also claimed that Wiwohka (q. v.) was originally so called. The Wetumpka with which we have to deal was on the east bank of Coosa River, in Elmore County, Alabama, near the falls. At one time there were two towns here, known as Big Wetumpka and Little Wetumpka respectively, the former on the site of the modern town of Wetumpka, the latter above the falls in Coosa River.1 Possibly this tribe may be identical with the Tononpa or Thomapa, which appears on French maps at the western end of the falls. (See map of De l'lsle, 1732, and DeCrenay, 1733. )2 It is probably represented by the "Welonkees" of the enumeration of 1761, classed with a town which appears to have been the principal town of the Alabama.3 It is noted by Bartram as one of those speaking the "Stinkard" language—i. e., something other than Muskogee.4 He places it beside that of the Koasati, and it would seem likely that this indicates the true position of its people, for when the Koasati moved to Tombigbee River Wetumpka accompanied them. On January 16, 1772, Romans passed "the remains of the old Weetumpkee settlement," 7 miles above a point which Hamilton identifies as Carneys Bluff,5 on the Tombigbee River. The removal was probably recent, because on April 4 of the same year Taitt visited their town "about one mile E.S.E. from this [Koasati], up theTallapuse River," and found them engaged in building a new hot house.1 Presumably this was the first to be erected after their return from the Tombigbee. Swan's reference, 1792, is the last we hear of the tribe.2 They probably united with the Koasati or the Alabama. (Swanton)

Those [Natchez] who went to the Cherokee and Creeks subsequently followed their fortunes, and the latter band was taken in by the Abihka. They seem to have conformed in most particulars to the usages of their neighbors. Taitt thus describes his visit to them on March 27, 1772: "I went this morning to black drink to the Square, where I was very kindley received by the head men of the town who told me to look on myself as being amongst my friends and not to be affraid of any thing, for their fire was the same as Charlestown fire and they never had Spilt the blood of any white Man [Note: A notable prevarication, except on the supposition that the speaker meant English white men.]; after that I had Smoked Tobacco and drinked black drink with them they desired that I might Stay in their Town all day as they were building a hot house and Should have a dance in the Evening which they wanted me to see. In the Evening I went to the Square where thirteen Chickasaws had joined the Natchies and Creeks for the dance. . . The women being dressed like Warriours with bows, hatchets, and other weapons in their hands, came into the Square and danced round the fire, the pole Cat dance, two men Singing and ratling their Callabashes all the time."2 Although having separate towns, the Natchez and Abihka are said to have intermarried to such an extent as to become completely fused. Since descent was reckoned in the female line the Natchez were still distinguished from the Abihka through their mothers, and the language was transmitted thus for many years, but it is now extinct. Among the Cherokee the Natchez preserved their identity longer, and a few Indians remain who can speak the old tongue. Among the Creeks some stories are still told regarding them. Jackson Lewis repeated a tradition to the effect that the Natchez were at one time hemmed in by the French, but all that could move, men, women, and children, escaped by wading through water. Then they went to the Chickasaw to live, but after a time they found some of their children who had gone out berrying run through with canes. This was done by the Chickasaw, who did not want the Natchez among them, so the latter moved on and came to where the Abihka lived. They asked the Abihka to take them in and the Abihka told them to "enter the gates" and confer with the chiefs, the Abihka being the "door shutters" of the confederacy. The Natchez did this and were adopted. They were allowed to settle with the Abihka, according to one story, because the Abihka were a very small people perhaps having been reduced in wars with the Cherokee. According to Adair, some Chickasaw moved with the Natchez and the two occupied a town called Ooe-asa, somewhere near the upper course of Coosa River.3 (Swanton)

Many dialects were spoken anciently near the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa. Adair says: "I am assured by a gentleman of character, who traded a long time near the late Alebahma garrison. that within six miles of it live the remains of seven Indian nations, who usually conversed with each other in their own different dialectw, though they understood the Muskohge language; but being naturalized, they are bound to observe the laws and customs of the main original body."8 (Swanton)

Meantime, however, they were being harrassed continually by the Creek Indians in alliance with the English, and presently some Creeks began to move into the peninsula and make permanent homes there. Bartram, who visited Florida in 1777-78, speaks of the Yamasee Nation as entirely destroyed as a distinct body, and he thus describes the site on St. Johns River of what he terms "the last decisive battle": "In the morning I found I had taken up my lodging on the border of an ancient burying ground, containing sepulchres or tumuli of the Yamasees, who were here slain by the Creeks in the last decisive battle, the Creeks having driven them into the point, between the doubling of the river, where few of them escaped the fury of the conquerors. These graves occupied the whole grove, consisting of two or three acres of ground. There were nearly thirty of these cemeteries of the dead, nearly of an equal size and form, being oblong, twenty feet in length, ten or twelve feet in width, and three or four feet high, now overgrown with orange trees, live oaks, laurel magnolias, red bays, and other trees and shrubs, composing dark and solemn shades."1 (Swanton)

[Bartram] saw Yamasee slaves living among the Seminole;2 but from other data it is evident that free bands, in whole or in part Yamasee, still existed. One of these will be mentioned later. Several writers on the Seminole state that the Oklawaha band was said to be descended from this tribe,3 and it appears probable since that band occupied the region in which most maps of the period immediately preceding place the Yamasee. According to the same writers their complexion was somewhat darker than that of the other Seminole. The noted leader Jumper is said by some to have been of Yamasee descent, but Cohen sets him down as a refugee from the Creeks.5 In the long war with the Americans which followed, whatever remained of the tribe became fused with one of the larger bodies, very likely with the Mikasuki, whose language is supposed to have been nearest to their own. We do not know whether those Yamasee who went to Pensacola and Mobile with the Apalachee remained with them or returned to east Florida, but the former supposition is the more likely. (Swanton)

Bartram visited them in 1777 and has the following account: "After a little refreshment at this beautiful town [Yuehi] we repacked and set off again for the Apalachucla town, where we arrived after riding over a level plain, consisting of ancient Indian plantations, a beautiful landscape diversified with groves and lawns. This is esteemed the mother town or capital of the Creek or Muscogulge confederacy; sacred to peace; no captives are put to death or human blood spilt here. And when a general peace is proposed, deputies from all the towns in the confederacy assemble at this capital, in order to deliberate upon a subject of so high importance for the prosperity of the commonwealth. And on the contrary the great Coweta town, about twelve miles higher up this river, is called the bloody town, where the Micos, chiefs, and warriors assemble when a general war is proposed; and here captives and state malefactors are put to death. "The time of my continuance here, which was about a week, was employed in excursions round about this settlement. One day the chief trader of Apalachucla obliged me with his company on a walk of about a mile and a half down the river, to view the ruins and site of the ancient Apalachucla; it had been situated on a peninsula formed by a doubling of the river, and indeed appears to have been a very famous capital by the artificial mounds or terraces, and a very populous settlement, from its extent and expansive old fields, stretching beyond the scope of the sight along the low grounds of the river. We viewed the mounds or terraces, on which formerly stood their round house or rotunda and square or areopagus, and a little behind these, on a level height or natural step, above the low grounds, is a vast artificial terrace or four square mound, now seven or eight feet higher than the common surface of the ground; in front of one square or side of this mound adjoins a very extensive oblong square yard or artificial level plain, sunk a little below the common surface, and surrounded with a bank or narrow terrace, formed with the earth thrown out of this yard at the time of its formation; the Creeks or present inhabitants have a tradition that this was the work of the ancients, many ages prior to their arrival and possessing this country. "The old town was evacuated about twenty years ago by the general consent of the inhabitants, on account of its unhealthy situation, owing to the frequent inundations of the great river over the low grounds; and moreover they grew timorous and dejected, apprehending themselves to be haunted and possessed with vengeful spirits, on account of human blood that had been undeservedly spilt in this old town, having been repeatedly warned by apparitions and dreams to leave it. "At the time of their leaving this old town, like the ruin or dispersion of the ancient Babel, the inhabitants separated from each other, forming several bands under the conduct or auspices of the chief of each family or tribe. The greatest number, however, chose to sit down and build the present new Apalachucla town, upon a high bank of the river above the inundations. The other bands pursued different routes, as their inclinations led them, settling villages lower down the river; some continued their migration towards the sea coast, seeking their kindred and countrymen amongst the Lower Creeks in East Florida, where they settled themselves."1 While this account apparently throws a great deal of light upon the history of the Apalachicola, it actually introduces many perplexities. At the present time Coweta is indeed recognized as the head war town of the Lower Creeks, but the head peace town among them, so far as anyone can now recall, is and always was Kasihta. Still, the name by which this Apalachicola town is now known to the Creeks proper is, as stated above, Talwa lako, or Big Town, from which a former prominence may be inferred. Moreover, in the migration legend told to Oglethorpe the priority of Apalachicola as a peace town seems to be taught, Kasihta having acquired the "white" character later.2 Therefore it is probable that this town did anciently have a sort of precedence among the peace towns of the Lower Creeks. Again it is perplexing to find that Bartram appears to have been entirely unaware of the former residence of the Apalachicola on Savannah River, though their removal had not taken place much over 60 years earlier. In the light of other facts brought out this seems still more confusing. (Swanton)

In 1778 Bartram says of the Seminole: "All of them, I suppose, would not be sufficient to people one of the towns in the Muscogulge; for instance, the Uches on the main branch of the Apalachucla River, which alone contains near two thousand inhabitants."3 He probably much exaggerated the number of Yuchi, but there is reason to believe that his estimate for the Seminole was not far wrong. Upon the whole, it appears likely that the older Seminole with whom Bartram had to deal, those living in the peninsula before the Creek-American war, constituted about one-third of the total number after the refugees from the Upper Creeks had been incorporated, and this would make them 1,500 or a little more. The Seminole seem to have been underestimated in most of the reports made of them. Joseph M. White, secretary to the Commission for Land Titles in Florida, and Mr. Penieres, subagent for Indian affairs, estimated them at about 3,000,4 and figures are given as low as 2,000. In 1823, however, an actual count was furnished by the Indians themselves, in which 4,883 were returned, exclusive of Negroes.5 Later, as various bands of Seminole were captured and sent west, the numbers of the bands are given, and we find a total of about 4,000. When we allow for those who had been killed or who had died from other causes, and those who escaped enumeration in one way or another, the correctness of the Indian figure appears to be indicated. Another estimate by Mr. Penieres to the effect that there were about 1,200 warriors would agree with this very well.8 In 1836 the United States Indian Office reported 3,765 Seminole in the west,7 and in 1837, 5,400.' Between 1838 and 1843 the figures are a little over 3,500, and between 1844 and 1856 between 2,500 and 3,000, or a trifle more. Most of these were based on the preceding enumerations, and when, in 1857, an actual census was taken only 1,907 were returned.2 During the next 15 years the number increased slowly until it reached about 2,500, and it has continued to vary between this figure and 3,000 down to the present time. Nevertheless this includes the Seminole Negroes or freedmen, and in 1905 it was found that they constituted about one-third of the nation, a proportion they have maintained ever since. In 1908 an attempt was made to secure separate figures for the full and mixed bloods, and 1,399 were returned for the former and 739 for the latter.3 It is probable that this separation was only relative and that the actual full bloods, could the truth be known, would be found to number a mere handful. The census of 1910 gives 1,729 Seminole Indians, of whom 1,503 were in Oklahoma and 226 in Florida.^ The last number is evidently an underestimate. Until 1893 no figures were given by the United States Indian Office for those Seminole who had remained in Florida. MacCaulay, however, attempted an exact enumeration of them in 1880 and found 208 individuals.5 In 1893 the Indian Office reported, or rather estimated, 450,6 and the same figure was repeated in 1894.7 In the report of 1895 we find 565 entered and the same number in 1896 and 1897.8 In 1898, 1899, and 1900 the number given is 575.5 In 1902 it is reduced to 35810 and so appears until 1911, when it jumps to 446." In 1912 this is repeated, but in 1913 it is increased to 600,12 and in 1914 reduced to 562. 13 There is known to be a considerable admixture of Negro blood in the band, but the amount of white blood is practically negligible. No separate enumeration of mixed bloods has been made. (Swanton)

Bartram states that he crossed the Chattahoochee "at the point towns Chehaw and Usseta (Kasihta). "These towns," he adds, "almost join each other, yet speak two languages, as radically different perhaps as the Muscogulge and Chinese."4 (Swanton)

According to Mr. O. D. Street, Coosada was the name of a mixed settlement of Creeks and Cherokees established about 1784 on the south bank of the Tennessee "at what is now called Larkin's Landing in Jackson County."1 Either this was a new settlement by the people we are considering [Kosati] or 1784 marks the date when Cherokee came to live there. The former alternative may very well have been the true one, because the earlier settlement appears not to have been on the mainland. We do not know whether these Koasati were finally absorbed into the Cherokee or whether they emigrated. (Swanton)

Hawkins (1799) has the following description: "Che-au-hau [Chiaha], called by the traders Che-haws, is just below, and adjoining Oose-oo-che, on a flat of good land. Below the town the river winds round east, then west, making a neck or point of one thousand acres of canebrake, very fertile, but low, and subject to be overflowed; the land back of this is level for nearly three miles, with red, poet, and white oak, hickory, then pine forest. These people have villages on the waters of Flint River; there they have fine stocks of cattle, horses, and hogs, and they raise corn, rice, and potatoes in great plenty. "The following are the villages of this town: 1st. Au-muc-cul-le (pour upon me) is on a creek of that name, which joins on the right side of Flint River, forty-five miles below Timothy Barnard's. It is sixty feet wide, and the main branch of Kitch-o-foo-ne, which it joins three miles from the river; the village is nine miles up the creek [Note: Elsewhere he says "15 miles up the creek."]; the land is poor and flat, with limestone springs in the neighborhood; the swamp is cypress in hammocks, with some water oak and hickory; the pine land is poor with ponds and wire grass; they have sixty gun men in the village; it is in some places well fenced; they have cattle, hogs, and horses, and a toe range for them, and raise corn, rice, and potatoes in great plenty. "2d. O-tel-le-who-yau-nau (hurricane town) is six miles below Kitch-o-foo-ne, on the right bank of Flint River, with pine barren on both sides [Note: In notes taken two years earlier Hawkins mentions two towns of this name, or rather two town sites 7 miles apart on Flint River, and clearly indicates that the people had occupied them in succession.]; they have twenty families in the village, which is fenced; and they have hogs, cattle, and horses; they plant the small margins near the mouth of a little creek. This village is generally named as belonging to Che-au-hau, but they are mixed with Oose-oo-ches." [Note: The second of these branches long maintained an independent existence. It is mentioned by the Spanish officer, Manuel Garcia in 1800.] In notes taken in 1797 the same writer mentions a small Chiaha settlement on Flint River, 3 miles below "Large Creek," and 9 miles above Hotalgihuyana.3 Another Chiaha settlement is referred to in the following terms: "Che-au-hoo-che (little che-au-hau) is one mile and a half west from Hit-che-tee, in the pine forest, near Au-he-gee; a fine little creek, called at its junction with the river, Hit-che-tee; they begin to fence and have lately built a square."4 (Swanton)

Hawkins gives the following description of Kasihta as it was in 1799, which shows incidentally that the town had been moved once after it was located on the river: "Cus-se-tuh; this town is two and a half miles below Cow-e-tuh Tal-lau-hts-see, on the left bank of the river. They claim the land above the falls on their side. In descending the river path from the falls in three miles you cross a creek running to the right, twenty feet wide; this creek joins the river a quarter of a mile above the Cowetuh town house; the land to this creek is good and level and extends back from the river from half to three-quarters of a mile to the pine forest; the growth on the level is oak, hickory, and pine; there are some ponds and slashes back next to the pine forest, bordering on a branch which runs parallel with the river; in the pine forest there is some reedy branches. "The creek has its source nearly twenty miles from the river, and runs nearly parallel with it till within one mile of its junction; there it makes a short bend round north, thence west to the river; at the second bend, about two hundred yards from the river, a fine little spring creek joins on its right bank. . . . "The flat of good land on the river continues two and a half miles below this creek, through the Cussetuh fields to Hat-che-thluc-co. At the entrance of the fields on the right there is an oblong mound of earth; one-quarter of a mile lower there is a conic mound forty-five yards in diameter at the base, twenty-five feet high, and flat on the top, with mulberry trees on the north side and evergreens on the south. From the top of this mound they have a fine view of the river above the flat land on both sides of the river, and all the field of one thousand acres [Note: The Lib. Cong. MS. has "100 acres."]; the river makes a short bend round to the right opposite this mound, and there is a good ford just below the point. It is not easy to mistake the ford, as there is a flat on the left, of gravel and sand; the waters roll rapidly over the gravel, and the eye, at the first view, fixes on the most fordable part; there are two other fords below this, which communicate between the fields on both sides of the river; the river from this point comes round to the west, then to the east; the island ford is below this turn, at the lower end of a small island; from the left side, enter the river forty yards below the island, and go up to the point of it, then turn down as the ripple directs, and land sixty yards below; this is the best ford; the third is still lower, from four to six hundred yards. "The land back from the fields to the east rises twenty feet and continues flat for one mile to the pine forest; back of the fields, adjoining the rise of twenty feet, is a beaver pond of forty acres, capable of being drained at a small expense of labor; the large creek bounds the fields and the flat land to the south. "Continuing on down the river from the creek, the land rises to a high flat, formerly the Cussetuh town, and afterwards a Chickasaw town. This flat is intersected with one branch. From the southern border of this flat, the Cussetuh town is seen below, on a flat, just above flood mark, surrounded with this high flat to the north and east, and the river to the west: the land about the town is poor, and much exhausted; they cultivate but little here of early corn; the principal dependence is on the rich fields above the creek; to call them rich must be understood in a limited sense; they have been so, but being cultivated beyond the memory of the oldest man in Cussetuh, they are almost exhausted; the produce is brought from the fields to the town in canoes or on horses; they make barely a sufficiency of corn for their support; they have no fences around their fields, and only a fence of three poles, tied to upright stakes, for their potatoes; the land up the river, above the fields, is fine for culture, with oak, hickory, blackjack and pine. "The people of Cussetuh associate, more than any other Indians, with their white neighbors, and without obtaining any advantage from it; they know not the season for planting, or, if they do, they never avail themselves of what they know, as they always plant a month too late. "This town with its villages is the largest in the Lower Creeks; the people are and have been friendly to white people and are fond of visiting them; the old chiefs are very orderly men and much occupied in governing their young men, who are rude and disorderly, in proportion to the intercourse they have had with white people; they frequently complain of the intercourse of their young people with the white people on the frontiers, as being very prejudicial to their morals: that they are more rude, more inclined to be tricky, and more difficult to govern, than those who do not associate with them. "The settlements belonging to the town are spread out on the right side of the river; here they appear to be industrious, have forked fences, and more land enclosed than they can cultivate. One of them desires particularly to be named Mic E-maut-lau. This old chief has, with his own labor, made a good worm fence, and built himself a comfortable house; they have but a few peach trees, in and about the town; the main trading path, from the upper towns, passes through here; they estimate their number of gun men at three hundred; but they cannot exceed one hundred and eighty. Au-put-tau-e [Apatana, bull frog village?] [Note: Oatschet derives this name from apatayas, I cover, and says it means "a sheet-like covering." A native informant suggested to the writer apatana, bullfrog. This is probably the village which Hawkins elsewhere calls Thlonotiscauhatche, after Flint River.]; a village of Cussetuh, twenty miles from the river, on Hat-che thluc-co; they have good fences, and the settlers under [enjoy?] the best characters of any among the Lower Creeks; they estimate their gun men at forty-three. On a visit here the agent for Indian affairs was met by all the men, at the house of Tus-se-kiah Micco. That chief addressed him in these words: "Here, I am glad to see you; this is my wife, and these are my children; they are glad to see you; these are the men of the village; we have forty of them in all; they are glad to see you; you are now among those on whom you may rely. I have been six years at this village, and we have not a man here, or belonging to our village, who ever stole a horse from, or did any injury to a white man." "The village is in the forks of Hatche thlucco, and the situation is well chosen; the land is rich, on the margins of the creeks and the cane flats; the timber is large, of poplar, white oak, and hickory; the uplands to the south are the long-leaf pine; and to the north waving oak, pine, and hickory; cane is on the creeks and reed in all the branches. "At this village, and at the house of Tus-se-ki-ah Micco, the agent for Indian affairs has introduced the plough; and a farmer was hired in 1797 to tend a crop of corn, and with so good success, as to induce several of the villagers to prepare their fields for the plough. Some of them have cattle, hogs and horses, and are attentive to them. "The range is a good one, but cattle and horses require salt; they have some thriving peach trees, at several of the settlements. "On Auhe-gee creek, called at its junction with the river, Hitchetee, there is one settlement which deserves a place here. It belongs to Mic-co thluc-co, called by the white people, the "Bird tail King [Fus hadji]." The plantation is on the right side of the creek, on good land, in the neighborhood of pine forest: the creek is a fine flowing one, margined with reed; the plantation is well fenced, and cultivated with the plough; this chief had been on a visit to New York, and seen much of the ways of white people, and the advantages of the plough over the slow and laborious hand hoe. Yet he had not firmness enough, till this year, to break through the old habits of the Indians. "The agent paid him a visit this spring, 1799, with a plough completely fixed, and spent a day with him and showed him how to use it. He had previously, while the old man was in the woods, prevailed on the family to clear the fields for the plough. It has been used with effect, and much to the approbation of a numerous family, who have more than doubled their crop of corn and potatoes; and who begin to know how to turn their corn to account, by giving it to their hogs, cattle, and horses, and begin to be very attentive to them; he has some apple and peach trees, and grape vines, a present from the agent. "The Cussetuhs have some cattle, horses, and hogs; but they prefer roving idly through the woods, and down on the frontiers, to attending to farming or stock raising."1 In notes taken two years earlier Hawkins thus speaks of another Kasihta village, located on Flint River: "Salenojuh, 8 miles [below Aupiogee Creek]. Here was a compact town of Cusseta people, of 70 gunmen in 1787, and they removed the spring after Colonel Alexander killed 7 of their people near Shoulderbone. Their fields extended three miles above the town; they had a hothouse and square, water, fields well fenced; their situation fine for hogs and cattle. Just above the old fields there are two curves on each side of the river of 150 acres, rich, which have been cultivated. Just below the town the Sulenojuhnene ford, the lands level on the right bank. There is a small island to the right of the ford; on the left a ridge of rocks. The lands on the left bank high and broken. Above the town there is a good ford, level, shallow, and not rocky; the land flat on both sides. "2 (Swanton)

Hawkins gives the following description of it as it existed in 1799: "Tal-e-see, from Tal-o-fau, a town, and e-see, taken. [Note: There is a Creek tradition to the effect that this town was once "captured" by the Tukabahchee, but I am inclined to think that it was invented to account for the name. It is more likely that Gatschet is right in deriving the name from til" a, town, and, ahasi, old, although it is now so much abbreviated that its original meaning is totally obscured.] Situated in the fork of Eu-fau-be on the left bank of Tal-la-poo-sa, opposite Took-au-bat-che. Eu-fau-be has its source in the ridge dividing the waters of Chat-to-ho-che from Tal-la-poo-sa, and runs nearly west to the junction with the river; here it is sixty feet wide. The land on it is poor for some miles up, then rich flats, bordered with pine land with reedy branches; a fine range for cattle and horses. "The Indians have mostly left the town, and settled up the creek, or on its waters, for twenty miles. [Note: The Lib. Cong. MS. has " 25 miles."] The settlements are some of them well chosen, and fenced with worm fences. The land bordering on the streams of the right side of the creek, is better than that of the left ; and here the settlements are mostly made. Twelve miles up the creek from its mouth it forks; the large fork of the left side has some rich flat swamp, large white oak, poplar, ash, and white pine. The trading path from Cus-se-tuh to the Upper Creeks crosses this fork twice. Here it is called big swamp (opil-thluc-co). The waving land to its source is stiff. The growth is post oak, pine, and hard-shelled hickory. [Note: The Lib. Cong. MS. adds the name of the magnolia.] "The Indians who have settled out on the margins and branches of the creek have several of them, cattle, hogs, and horses, and begin to be attentive to them. The head warrior of the town, Peter McQueen, a half-breed, is a snug trader, has a valuable property in negroes and stock, and begins to know their value. These Indians were very friendly to the United States during the Revolutionary War, and their old chief, Ho-bo-ith-le Mic-co, of the halfway house (improperly called the Tal-e-see king), could not be prevailed on by any offers from the agents of Great Britain to take part with them. "On the return of peace, and the establishment of friendly arrangements between the Indians and citizens of the United States, this chief felt himself neglected by Mr. Seagrove, which resenting, he robbed and insulted that gentleman, compelled him to leave his house near Took-au-bat-che, and fly into a swamp. He has since then, as from a spirit of contradiction, formed a party in opposition to the will of the nation, which has given much trouble and difficulty to the chiefs of the land. His principal assistants were the leaders of the banditti who insulted the commissioners of Spain and the United States, on the 17th September, 1799, at the confluence of Flint and Chat-to-ho-che. The exemplary punishment inflicted on them by the warriors of the nation, has effectually checked their mischief-making and silenced them. And this chief has had a solemn warning from the national council, to respect the laws of the nation, or he should meet the punishment ordained by the law. He is one of the great medal chiefs. "This spirit of party or opposition prevails not only here, but more or less in every town in the nation. The plainest proposition for ameliorating their condition, is immediately opposed; and this opposition continues as long as there is hope to obtain presents, the infallible mode heretofore in use, to gain a point."8 Tulsa had several branch towns. Mention has already been made of one of these.1 On the French list of 1760 and several early maps is a place called Nafape, or Nafabe, which was evidently a Tulsa outvillage on a creek of the same name flowing into Ufaupee Creek.2 Near, and possibly identical with this, was Chatukchufaula, although on some maps it appears on Tallapoosa River itself. It is evidently the "Challacpauley" of Swan,2 and I give it as a branch of Tulsa on the authority of Woodward.4 It was destroyed in the war of 1813-14 by Indians friendly to the United States Government and the people probably migrated to Florida.5 The "Halfway House," of which the "Ho-bo-ith-le Mic-co" of Hawkins was chief, is frequently mentioned by travelers. Taitt gives its Creek name as "Chavucleyhatchie." He says: "I took the bearings and distance of the path to this place which is twenty-five miles ENE. from the Tuokabatchie, situated on a creek called Chavucleyhatchie being the north branch of Nufabee Creek, which emptys itself into the Tallapuse River at the great Tallassies. In this village which belongs to the Tallasies are about 20 gunmen and one trader."8 In Bartram's list (1777) it appears as " Ghuaclahatche."7 Although given as a town distinct from the Halfway house the "Chawelatchie" of the Purcell map (pl. 7) is evidently intended for this, especially since Hawkins calls it "Chowolle Hatche."8 The name is perpetuated in the "Chewockeleehatchee Creek" of modern maps. Another branch was Saoga-hatchee, "Rattle Creek," which appears as early as 1760.2 Hawkins has the following to say regarding it: "Sou-go-hat-che; from sou-go, a cymbal, and hat-che, a creek. This joins on the left side of Tallapoosa, ten miles below Eu-fau-lau. It is a large creek, and the land on the forks and to their sources is stiff in places, and stony. The timber is red oak and small hickory; the flats on the streams are rich, covered with reed; among the branches the land is waving and fit for cultivation. "They have thirty gunmen in this village, who have lately joined Tal-e-see. One of the chiefs, O-fau-mul-gau, has some cattle, others have a few, as they have only paid attention to their stock within two years, and their means for acquiring them were slender. "Above this creek, on the waters of Eu-fau-lau-hat-che, there are some settlements well chosen. The upland is stiff and stony or gravelly; the timber is post and red oak, pine and hickory; the trees are small; the soil apparently rich enough, and well suited for wheat, and the streams have some rich flats. 9 "Another branch, Lutcapoga, "terrapin resort," "place where terrapins are gathered," appears only in Hawkins's Letters [Note: As "I.uchaossoguh."] and in the census of 1832.1 There is to-day a place called Loachapoka in Lee County, Alabama, about halfway between Montgomery and West Point. The name was also given to a western tributary of the Chattahoochee.1 "After the Creek removal this town settled in the northern most part of the nation, where the flourishing modern city of Tulsa has grown up, named for its mother town. The main town of Tulsa also split into two parts in Oklahoma, called after their respective locations Tulsa Canadian and Tulsa Little River. The last is the only one which in 1912 maintained a square ground. The Okfuskee [Akfaski] towns constituted the largest group descended from Coosa. Like the Tulsa, these people referred to themselves in busk speeches as Kos-istagi, "Coosa people." The name, which signifies "point between rivers," nowhere appears in the De Soto narratives, but is in evidence very early in the maps and documents of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. (Swanton)

When the Creeks were removed to Oklahoma the Chiaha established themselves in the extreme northeastern corner of the new Creek territory, where they made a square ground on Adams Creek. This was later given up, but it was restored for a period after the Civil War. It is now altogether abandoned, and the Chiaha themselves are rapidly losing their identity in the mass of the population. It is said that most of the true Chiaha are gone and that those that are now so called have been brought in from outside—by marriage presumably. Even before the Creek war many Chiaha had gone to Florida, and afterwards the numbers there were very greatly augmented. At the present day there is a square ground in the northern part of the old Seminole Nation named Chiaha, but the different elements among the Seminole have fused so completely that in only a few cases can they be separated. The name is little more than a convenient term, a historical vestige applied after all substance has departed. (Swanton)